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Between Two Worldstraces the social and economic performance of independent Ireland since the establishment of the state in 1922. The book is an analytical survey. It provides an overview of Ireland's social and economic policy from independence to the present day but also employs a comparative context in order to identify the nature of Irish economy and society. It concludes that Ireland has not benefited from economic growth to the same degree as other small open economies in Europe. The book assesses a number of possible explanations for this situation, including colonialism, neo-colonialism and under development. The author contends, however, that none of these models offer a satisfactor...
Irish land in the 1880s was a site of ideological conflict, with resonances for liberal politics far beyond Ireland itself. The Irish Land War, internationalised partly through the influence of Henry George, the American social reformer and political economist, came at a decisive juncture in Anglo-American political thought, and provided many radicals across the North Atlantic with a vision of a more just and morally coherent political economy. Looking at the discourses and practices of these agrarian radicals, alongside developments in liberal political thought, Andrew Phemister shows how they utilised the land question to articulate a natural and universal right to life that highlighted the contradictions between liberty and property. In response to this popular agrarian movement, liberal thinkers discarded many older individualistic assumptions, and their radical democratic implications, in the name of protecting social order, property, and economic progress. Land and Liberalism thus vividly demonstrates the centrality of Henry George and the Irish Land War to the transformation of liberal thought.
A detailed study of the political relations between church and state in modern Ireland, this work is also an analysis of domestic politics within the context of Anglo-Vatican relations. Dealing exclusively with high ecclesiastical politics, it assesses the relative political strength of both the British and the Irish at the Vatican and challenges 'the myth of English dominance over the Papacy'. Dermot Keogh traces the 'quiet diplomacy' of bishops, politicians and the Vatican from the turbulent years of 1919-21, through the civil war period and the rule of William T. Cosgrove and Cumann na nGaedheal, to the re-emergence of Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fail as exponents of Catholic nationalism in the 1930s. The book draws extensively on unpublished documents and, for the first time, explores with the aid of primary sources the exchanges between bishops, politicians and the Vatican over a twenty-year period. It is an important contribution to the history of modern Ireland, Irish-Vatican and Anglo-Vatican relations, whose findings will lead to a radical revision of interpretations of Irish church-state relations.
Edward Cahill SJ was a well-known and influential figure in Ireland during the early decades of the new Irish state. As Professor of Ecclesiastical History and Sociology at the Jesuit House of Studies in Dublin, his research led him to view liberalism as the great enemy of the faith and spiritual values of the majority of the Irish people. He identified with liberalism the exclusion of God from public life and a strong emphasis on secularism, and also the excesses of laissez-faire capitalism. He sought to counter this by teaching a Christian sociology based on the papal social encyclicals. Cahill gathered around him a lay organisation of men and women drawn from all walks of life, known as An RÃoghacht, which became influential in the 1930s. Mr and Mrs de Valera were good friends of Cahill and shared many of his views. His magnum opus, widely read at the time, was entitled The Framework of a Christian State.
The purpose of this book is to present a comprehensive explanation of the origins, development and decline of vocationalism in twentieth-century Ireland. Vocationalism, based on papal social teaching, featured prominently in social Catholicism through the 1930s and 40s. The vocationalist lobby demanded radical reforms which, if realized, would have replaced the political, economic and social structure of Irish national life with corporatist organizations based on Roman Catholic social principles. In the newly independent southern Irish state, with its large Catholic majority, vocationalism attracted significant support and the extent of its popular appeal in the 1930s is reflected by the inc...