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The Russia-Chechen wars have had an extraordinarily destructive impact on the communities and on the trajectories of personal lives in the North Caucasus Republic of Chechnya. This book presents in-depth analysis of the Chechen conflicts and their consequences on Chechen society. It discusses the nature of the violence, examines the dramatic changes which have taken place in society, in the economy and in religion, and surveys current developments, including how the conflict is being remembered and how Chechnya is reconstructed and governed.
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This collection offers a new reflection on rape in war time through 15 case studies, ranging from Greece to Nigeria. It questions the specificity of rape as a universal transgression, its place in memories of war, its legacies, including children born from rape, and the challenge of writing about intimate violence as both a scientist and a human.
This book examines the impact of Russia's local self-governing institutions on nationalist movement mobilization in Russia. It is the first study identifying municipalities as central to explaining aspects of ethnic or broader social activism in post-Soviet Russia. Because the book is comparative in scope, it also contributes to debates on movement dynamics and nationalist mobilization in other national and institutional settings.
Renowned for its international coverage and rigorous selection procedures, this series provides the most comprehensive and scholarly bibliographic service available in the social sciences. Arranged by topic and indexed by author, subject and place-name, each bibliography lists and annotates the most important works published in its field during the year of 1997, including hard-to-locate journal articles. Each volume also includes a complete list of the periodicals consulted.
There is a Russian saying that "police mirror society." The gist of this is that every society is policed to the extent that it allows itself to be policed. Centralized in control but decentralized in their reach, the police are remarkably similar in structure, chain of command, and their relationships with the political elite across post-Soviet nations--they also remain one of the least reformed post-communist institutions. As a powerful state organ, the Soviet-style militarized police have resisted change despite democratic transformations in the overall political context, including rounds of competitive elections and growing civil society. While consensus between citizens and the state ab...
This edited volume deals with the reintegration and trajectories of intrastate or interstate war veterans. It raises the question of the effects of the war experience on ex-combatants with regards, in particular, to the perpetuation of a certain level of violence as well as the maintaining of structures, networks, and war methods after the war.
The book provides a comprehensive sociological and cultural explanation of Israel's politics toward the Palestinians, covering the period of the Oslo Accords and the Second Intifada and focusing on the concept of a 'new war' that is an outgrowth of internal relations within Israel itself and the diversionary politics of its leadership.
Russia is divided into seven federal districts encompassing 89 units -- regions (oblasts), territories (krais), and republics. As central power has weakened, the importance of these units and their local leadership has increased commensurately. This work brings together in one volume all basic political, economic, and demographic data on every territorial unit of the Russian Federation, its local government structure, and electoral history current through the spring 2000 elections and the summer 2000 reorganization. Each entry includes an extensive profile of the president, governor, or prime minister, and an overview of local political trends, policies, economy, and business conditions.
Depuis la chute du mur de Berlin et l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, les sociétés post-communistes cherchent à adapter leurs dispositifs policiers et judiciaires à une criminalité en évolution. Les gouvernements disposent toutefois d'une marge de manoeuvre étroite : ils doivent nécessairement répondre à de pressantes préoccupations sociales, parfois liées à de violentes formes de délinquance, sans contredire trop ouvertement le processus de démocratisation dans lequel ils sont engagés.