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This volume aims to explain the mechanisms for the “epidemic-like” rise in homicide rates São Paulo, Brazil during the late 20th century as well as their sharp decrease after 2000. The homicide rates increased 900 percent from 1960s-2000, and then dropped relatively quickly to 1970s levels over the next decade. While the author finds the Brazilian military government and rise of para-military police forces to be a major factor in the rise of homicide rates in Brazil, research on violent crime trends has demonstrated that it is generally due to the intersection of many factors (for example changes in policing, social or political structures, availability of weapons, economic influences) ...
This Brief aims to explain the mechanisms for the “epidemic-like” rise in homicide rates São Paolo, Brazil during the late 20th century as well as their sharp decrease after 2000. The homicide rates increased 900 percent from 1960s-2000, and then dropped relatively quickly to 1970s levels over the next decade. While the author finds the Brazilian military government and rise of para-military police forces to be a major factor in the rise of homicide rates in Brazil, research on violent crime trends has demonstrated that it is generally due to the intersection of many factors (for example changes in policing, social or political structures, availability of weapons, economic influences...
This book re-examines the relationship between development strategy and political regime in twentieth-century Brazil. The first part of the study examines the beginning in the 1920s and 1930s of the centralized regime and state-centered development model later challenged in the 1980s, taking into account the economic and political role of Sao Paulo relative to the federal government. The analysis provides a distinctive account of the regime ruling Brazil from the 1930s through the 1980s. The second part focuses on the process of economic and political change in the 1980s and 1990s, paying particular attention to the Cardoso administration.
A magisterial comparative study, Proud to Punish recenters our understanding of modern punishment through a sweeping analysis of the global phenomenon of "rough justice": the use of force to settle accounts and enforce legal and moral norms outside the formal framework of the law. While taking many forms, including vigilantism, lynch mobs, people's courts, and death squads, all seekers of rough justice thrive on the deliberate blurring of lines between law enforcers and troublemakers. Digital networks have provided a profitable arena for vigilantes, who use social media to build a following and publicize their work, as they debase the bodies of the accused for purposes of edification and entertainment. It is this unabashed pride to punish, and the new punitive celebrations that actualize, publicize, and commercialize it, that this book brings into focus. Recounted in lively prose, Proud to Punish is both a global map of rough justice today and an insight into the deeper nature of punishment as a social and political phenomenon.
This book provides readers with a study of the characteristics that make life unique for sexual minorities in Brazil while also viewing Brazil in relation to global LGBT sociopolitical movements. It critically assesses the complex relationship(s) between the visual arts and political activism, carefully analyzing artistic, cinematic, and photographic representations of LGBTQ identities. Brazil provides a useful case to example, with the cultivation of ambiguity in contemporary (re)constructions of queer life. In this book, the author conducts the first comprehensive discourse analysis of the dynamics and features of the largest LGBT Pride Parade in the world. This problematizes and analyzes ...
In this timely book, Brazilian political philosopher Marcos Nobre analyzes the social and political roots of the election of Jair Bolsonaro to the presidency of Brazil and shows how this process is connected to the rise of new far-right movements threatening democracy around the world. Nobre describes the rise of the movement that elected Bolsonaro as a reactionary and anti-democratic highjack of the democratic impulse unleashed by the June 2013 uprisings, when millions of Brazilians took to the streets to protest against a dysfunctional political system, and frames the Brazilian case within the global crisis that exposed the limits of a democracy based on the neoliberal consensus after the ...
State crackdowns on drug cartels often backfire, producing entrenched 'cartel-state conflict'; deterrence approaches have curbed violence but proven fragile. This book explains why.
A rigorous explanation of connections among confidence in government institutions, popular support for democracy, and social justice in societies around the world.
In the follow-up to his widely read The Struggle for Human Rights in Latin America, author Edward Cleary examines some of the robust human rights movements of the past two decades in Mobilizing for Human Rights in Latin America. Advocates of the rights of women, indigenous groups, the landless, and street children have achieved notable gains, so much so that in 1999 the New York Times claimed that women have achieved more rights in Latin America than in any other region. Cleary establishes a record of why, how, where, and when human rights reached this level. It is often assumed that the concept of human rights is something that must be imported by Western liberal democracies to developing countries. Cleary shows that human rights has a long history in Latin America distinctive from other traditions and that this tradition has expressed itself profoundly since the military period. He argues that the region’s unique history is not only creating solutions to issues such as corruption and minority rights, but also can offer a valuable balance to the larger international discourse on human rights.