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Publisher Description
Albert Sbragia considers American urban government as an investor whether for building infrastructure or supporting economic development. Over time, such investment has become disconnected from the normal political and administrative processes of local policymaking through the use of special public spending authorities like water and sewer commissions and port, turnpike, and public power authorities.Sbragia explores how this entrepreneurial activity developed and how federal and state policies facilitated or limited it. She also analyzes the implications of cities creating innovative, special-purpose quasi-governments to circumvent and dilute state control over city finances, diluting their own authority in the process.
The purpose of The History and Politics of Private Prisons in America is to examine the history of the movement, establish how politics affects it, and provide practitioners, politicians, academics, and students with alternative thinking about the value of privatizing prison management. In the first two chapters, author Martin P. Sellers provides a brief history of incarceration and surveys the current privatization movement in the United States, identifying its roots in economics, politics, and administration. Chapter 3 identifies the many political, economic, social, and administrative arguments against privatization and attempts to explain how these arguments developed. In chapter 4, Sellers analyzes three private prisons, comparing them to three public prisons, to determine which group is more efficient at providing prison services, particularly health and education services.
The basic elements of this book involve integrating five policy problems, and four fields of knowledge. The five policy problems are economic, technology, social, political and legal. The four developing regions are Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America. The four fields of knowledge are natural science, social science, humanities and law.
Rapley argues provocatively that the seeds of political tensions that began in the third world--and are now being manifested around the globe--can be found in neoliberal prescriptions for economic reform.
Thoroughly updated, this sixth edition of Hancock et al.’s Politics in Europe remains an approachable yet rigorous introduction to the region—the UK, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Russia, Poland, and the European Union. Its strong analytic framework and organization, coupled with detailed country coverage written by country experts, ensure that students not only get a robust introduction to each country, but also are able to make meaningful cross-national comparisons. Key updates include the latest in European politics, including recent election results, the content and impact of the Eurozone crisis, the emergence of a new “Nordic model” of welfare capitalism, and coverage of key social and political issues including globalization, terrorism, immigration, gender, religion, and transatlantic relations.
The New Nationalism Implications for Transatlantic Relations is a collection of papers that examines the effects of transatlantic relations, along with the concept of new nationalism. The first chapter of the text provides an introductory discourse about new nationalism, while the second chapter provides a further analysis in the concept of new nationalism. The next chapters deal with new nationalism and how it relates to external policies. The remaining chapter tackles the relationship between new nationalism and sub-national regionalism. The book will be of great interest to economists, political scientists, and diplomats. Individuals who have keen interest in the global diplomatic trend will also benefit from the text.
When most people think of hazardous waste trading, they think of egregious dumping by U.S. and European firms on poor countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. But over 80 percent of the waste trade takes place between industrialized nations and is legal by domestic and international standards. In Waste Trading among Rich Nations, Kate O'Neill asks why some industrialized nations voluntarily import such wastes in the absence of pressing economic need. She focuses on Britain as an importer and Germany as an exporter and also looks at France, Australia, and Japan. According to O'Neill, most important in determining whether an industrialized democracy imports waste are two aspects ...