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Legislatures provides a democratic audit of Canada's provincial and national representative assemblies. It argues that the problem existing in these bodies is not a lack of talent so much as a lack of institutional freedom. Specifically, the problem is largely one of resources and rules. The move to a more multi-party system nationally and the increasing tendency to downsize provincial assemblies has placed additional hurdles in the path to good governance. Docherty uses the series' criteria of responsiveness, inclusiveness, and participation to evaluate critically the performance of legislatures in Canada, and makes recommendations for legislative reform in Canada.
Assessing the legacy of Canada's twentieth prime minister.
Donald J. Savoie argues that both Canada and the UK now operate under court government rather than cabinet government.
The Politics of Dissensus inverts the traditional perspective on the study of parliamentary politics by focusing on its less obvious and less well-known aspects. Dissensus instead of consensus becomes the condition for the intelligibility of parliamentary politics. Such politics is indebted to the rhetorical culture of addressing issues from opposite perspectives and debating the alternatives pro et contra: no motion is approved without a thorough examination of, and confrontation among, imaginable alternatives. Establishing the openness of political debating, parliamentarism has become a distinctive historical contribution to the rise of parliamentary democracy. Parliament in Debate refers ...
The Message of POWER SHIFT: Fed up with politics-as-usual? Most Canadians are. They (83%) want their MP to represent them and not a party in the House of Commons. Political parties, however, do not consider reforms that would shift significant power from them to citizens. Professor Lyon, breaking the party silence, speaks strongly in support of the interests of his fellow citizens. Drawing on years of experience as a political activist and political scientist, he shows both why and how the desire of Canadians for this new form of representation should be acted on, now. He does this by presenting readers with a detailed model of the new politics. He argues that adopting the model would establish the close collaborative relationship of citizens, their MPs, cabinet and civil servants needed to strengthen the performance of government. Professor Lyon urges politicians to respect the desire of citizens for fundamental change. Party politics is, he states, l9th century politics, and fails to meet the needs of today. Citizen politics for the 21st century is what he proposes and, he argues, Canada stands on the cusp of making the change to them.
In Mr Smith Goes to Ottawa, the author compares the 34th (1988-93) and the 35th (1993-97) Parliaments. The former, the second consecutive Conservative-led majority government, could not appear more different from the Liberal one which followed. Over two-thirds of its members were rookies. More significantly, over one-third represented two new political parties - the Bloc Quebecois and the Reform party. Yet, for all this change, Docherty shows that the new agendas of the 35th Parliament have not translated into changes in the legislative behaviour or socialization of new members. Unlike Jimmy Stewart in Washington, the majority of the men and women who go to Ottawa end up accepting a limited policy role.
This book examines the effects of personnel turnover in European Union institutions. Individuals enter and exit EU institutions with remarkable frequency, and questions involving institutional personnel lie at the heart of populist and feminist critiques of the EU. Are these critiques accurate? How do personnel dynamics affect the EU’s legitimacy? Will changing patterns of turnover help to redeem the EU? Personnel Turnover addresses these issues by considering turnover’s effects on three aspects of legitimacy (input, throughput, and output). Authors use a common framework to explore various questions: Does turnover affect the ways that EU citizens see the EU or the likelihood that citizens will participate in EU elections? Does turnover affect the efficiency of the EU decision-making or the EU’s ability to promote its interests abroad? In tackling these contemporary subjects, the authors throw light on a classical question—what difference does it make when political leaders are replaced?
Powerful, innovative Indigenous self-governance regimes are increasingly important players in Canadian politics, but little academic work has been done on their structure, operation, and effectiveness. "We Are In Charge Here" examines the central institution of the most populous Indigenous self-governance regime in Canada, the elected Assembly of the Nunatsiavut Government. Nunatsiavut – "our beautiful land" in Inuktitut – was established in 2006 by a modern treaty between the Labrador Inuit and the Canadian state. Graham White offers a thorough observation of the Assembly, based on interviews with Assembly members and others involved in Nunatsiavut politics, observation of Assembly sess...
Consequently, they argue, the institutions of democratic governance now operate in a profoundly different environment than that in which they were founded.".
Democratic Reform in New Brunswick is a comprehensive collection of research papers written initially for the New Brunswick Commission on Electoral Democracy. The essays provide detailed consideration of the many issues relating to democratic and electoral reform currently on the public policy agenda in Canada. Topics covered include: electoral system change, gender and representational issues, questions relating to party democracy, the role of legislators, concerns around drawing electoral boundaries, fixed election dates, direct democracy, and political disengagement among young voters. All of the essays examine the implications of various reform proposals in these areas and most draw upon...