You may have to Search all our reviewed books and magazines, click the sign up button below to create a free account.
The young George Hatem journeyed to Shanghai in 1933 to practice medicine and see the sights. The deplorable health and social conditions he found there caused his sympathies to veer quickly to the revolutionary efforts of the Chinese Communist party, and before long he joined the underground Party members in conspiratorial meetings and activities. In 1936 he left Shanghai on a secret Province after completing the Long March. For the next 14 years, Hatem served the Communist troops as physician and adviser. He took the name Ma Haide and became the first foreigner admitted into China's Communist Party. After the Communist victory in 1949, he became the first foreigner granted citizenship in the People's Republic. Over the next 40 years, his reputation grew as one of the leading public health physicians in the world. Until his death in 1988, he showed absolute allegiance to the Party. Few foreigners have been accepted into Chinese society as readily as he and certainly none have had such intimate access to 20th century China's most powerful figures.
Sunbelt cities like Atlanta, Charlotte, and Miami, with their international airports, have a transportation advantage that overwhelms global competition from other southern cities. Why? The short answer to this question seems to be intuitive, but the long answer lies at the intersection of built infrastructure policies, civic boosterism, and the changing nature of American cities. Simply put, Charlotte leaders invested in the future and took advantage of its opportunities. In the twentieth century Charlotte, North Carolina, underwent several generational changes in leadership and saw the emergence of a pro-growth coalition active in matters of the city’s ambience, race relations, business ...
As morbid as it is to fathom, for some, it is easier to be intimate with a corpse than a live human being. People with this sexual preference, or necrophiliacs, have admitted that the absence of emotion or social expectation, or the ability to exert absolute control over a corpse has made sexual relations more satisfying. Other necrophiliacs have admitted to many other reasons why they prefer to engage in sexual acts with the dead. Intercorpse explores this paraphilia in detail. It includes the categories of necrophilia, motivations for this deviant sexual behaviour, and several true accounts of individuals who are infamous necrophiliacs. Serial killers like Gary Ridgway would often return to the dump sites of his victims to have sex with their decomposing bodies while they rolled in maggots. Others like Edmund Kemper admitted to getting pleasure from further degrading his victims. This book takes a fearless look at a most disturbing topic. It will be of interest to those in criminal psychology, sexual deviance, and forensic psychology.
On December 9, 2001, the bloody body of Kathleen Peterson was found dead at the bottom of the stairs in the North Carolina home she shared with her husband and novelist Michael Peterson. "My wife had an accident," Peterson says on the 911 call. "She's still breathing. She fell down the stairs."However, blood-splattered evidence and a missing fireplace poker suggested it was a cold-blooded murder. Within two years, Michael Peterson was convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to life in prison. During Mike Peterson’s trial, Duane Deaver, blood-spatter expert, gave his testimony in which he explained that the blood present on the staircase wall and on Michael’s clothes, was evident t...
Calculates and expounds on the costs to individual Americans of the War on Terror Are Americans in denial about the costs of the War on Terror? In The Real Price of War, Joshua S. Goldstein argues that we need to face up to what the war costs the average American—both in taxes and in changes to our way of life. Goldstein contends that in order to protect the United States from future attacks, we must fight—and win—the War on Terror. Yet even as President Bush campaigns on promises of national security, his administration is cutting taxes and increasing deficit spending, resulting in too little money to eradicate terrorism and a crippling burden of national debt for future generations t...
A fresh examination of teacher activism during the civil rights movement Southern Black educators were central contributors and activists in the civil rights movement. They contributed to the movement through their classrooms, schools, universities, and communities. Drawing on oral history interviews and archival research, Schooling the Movement examines the pedagogical activism and vital contributions of Black teachers throughout the Black freedom struggle. By illuminating teachers' activism during the long civil rights movement, the editors and contributors connect the past with the present, contextualizing teachers' longstanding role as advocates for social justice. Schooling the Movement moves beyond the prevailing understanding that activism was defined solely by litigation and direct-action forms of protest. The contributors broaden our conceptions of what it meant to actively take part in or contribute to the civil rights movement.
Since the creation of minority-dominated congressional districts eight years ago, the Supreme Court has condemned the move as akin to "political apartheid," while many African-American leaders argue that such districts are required for authentic representation. In the most comprehensive treatment of the subject to date, David Canon shows that the unintended consequences of black majority districts actually contradict the common wisdom that whites will not be adequately represented in these areas. Not only do black candidates need white votes to win, but this crucial "swing" vote often decides the race. And, once elected, even the black members who appeal primarily to black voters usually do a better job than white members of walking the racial tightrope, balancing the needs of their diverse constituents. Ultimately, Canon contends, minority districting is good for the country as a whole. These districts not only give African Americans a greater voice in the political process, they promote a politics of commonality—a biracial politics—rather than a politics of difference.
In his 36 years as head coach at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Dean Smith won 879 games -- more games than any coach in major-college basketball history. Yet, for the most part, Dean Smith has kept his opinions to himself, letting his record do the talking. Now, thanks to Barry Jacobs' extensive interview sessions, as well as the public record, we have the legendary coach's views on a wide range of subjects, both professional and personal. In his own words, Smith reflects on coaching, the NCAA, his own philosophy, and the great players he has coached -- from James Worthy and Bob McAdoo to Michael Jordan.
A portrait of how the 1990s round of redistricting treated the racial and linguistic minorities that had been given special protections by the Voting Rights Act of 1965, primarily African-Americans, but also Native Americans, Asian-Americans, and those of Spanish heritage. Throughout the volume, the primary focus is on the practical politics of redistricting and its consequences for racial representation. Almost all the authors have been directly involved in the 1990s redistricting process either as a legislator, a member of the Voting Rights Section of the Justice Department, a member of a districting commission, or, most commonly, as an expert witness or lawyer in voting rights cases. All bring to bear special insights as well as insider knowledge of Congressional and state redistricting.