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Experience shows that successful democratic transitions need to be underpinned by a security sector that is effective, well managed, and accountable to the state and its citizens. This is why it is so important to carefully examine security sector governance dynamics in contexts where security has often remained a 'reserved domain.' Understanding the issues and perspectives that divide political elites, the security sector, and citizens is the only way to develop security sector reform programs that are legitimate and sustainable at the national level. Through drawing on the close contextual knowledge of practitioners, researchers, and diverse local actors, this book supports this goal by analyzing security sector governance dynamics in each of the nine Francophone countries within West Africa. From this basis, strengths and weaknesses are analyzed, local capacities evaluated, and entry points identified to promote democratic security sector governance in the West African region. (Series: Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces [DCAF])
Many efforts have been undertaken to address dysfunctional security sector governance in West Africa. However, security sector reform (SSR) has fallen short of radical – transformational – change to the fundamental structures of power and governance in the region. Looking more closely at specific examples of SSR in six West African countries, Learning from West African Experiences in Security Sector Governance explores both progress and reversals in efforts by national stakeholders and their international partners to positively influence security sector governance dynamics. Written by eminent national experts based on their personal experiences of these reform contexts, this study offers new insights and practical lessons that should inform processes to improve democratic security sector governance in West Africa and beyond.
This book sets out to break down and identify positive associations between Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) and Security Sector Reform (SSR). Drawing on case studies from selected post-conflict settings, the book demonstrates the potential and reality of improved collaboration between both endeavors. Enhanced cooperation could avoid negative outcomes, such as former combatants dropping out of programs, trust undermined in security institutions, and the creation of security vacuums that jeopardize the safety of individuals and communities. A central claim of the book is that programs must be responsive to the needs and interests of different national actors. Without understanding the dynamic political processes that shape the origins, parameters, and outcomes of both processes, DDR and SSR may address security deficits, but will be unfit to support sustainable transitions towards national recovery and development. (Series: Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces [DCAF])
La relation franco-gabonaise semble être le parangon du rapport néocolonial. Mais cette approche s'avère être de peu d'intérêt pour en comprendre l'arrière-plan historique et la logique clientéliste de l'interdépendance qui continue d'unir l'ancienne colonie à son ancienne métropole impériale. Une lecture de référence pour mieux comprendre les débats en cours sur l'héritage colonial, sur l'impérialisme et sur les relations internationales à l'heure de la globalisation néo-libérale.
The Great Lakes region of Africa is characterized by protest politics, partial democratization, political illegitimacy and unstable economic growth. Many of the countries that are members of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) which are: Burundi, Angola, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Zambia, have experienced political violence and bloodshed at one time or another. While a few states have been advancing electoral democracy, environmental protection and peaceful state building, the overall intensity of violence in the region has led to civil wars, invasion, g...
The most significant thing about Guinea is its potential. It is strategically located in West Africa, with a well-educated and hardworking population, and endowed with considerable natural resources, indeed, enough to make it reasonably affluent if properly utilized. But this potential has never really been tapped, due mainly to bad politics with military men following a charismatic politician, until finally democracy has been achieved. So, more than half-a-century after achieving independence, the question remains unanswered: which way will Guinea turn? This fifth edition of Historical Dictionary of Guinea covers the full scope of Guinea’s history. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 800 cross-referenced entries on key events, leaders, governmental, international, religious, and other private organizations, policies, political movements and parties, economic elements and many other areas that have shaped the country’s trajectory. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Guinea.
L'historicité des sociétés africaines précoloniales sous-tendait sans nul doute l'existence effective des structures étatiques des insitutions politiques et des textes constitutionnels. Le constitutionnalisme africain précolonial fut brutalement interrompu par la colonisation qui bouleversera totalement l'ordre des choses. Le Mali a connu de brillantes civilisations au sein des grands empires (Ghana, Mali, Songhoi) au rayonnement international connu. Trois Républiques se sont succédées au Mali, de l'Indépendance (1960) à nos jours. L'étude comparative au sein de l'Afrique noire francophone des institutions permet de mettre en exergue à la fois les similitudes et les particularités du parcours institutionnel et politique du Mali depuis 1960. La trajectoire politique et institutionnelle du mali depuis 1960 est analysée ici sans complaisance et avec rigueur. Un accent particulier est mis sur les grandes étapes de la démocratie pluraliste et la justice constitutionnelle.
Any analysis aimed at coming up with strategies to positively transform a confl ict has fi rst to identify all the actors involved and interests pursued, either individually or collectively. This rule applies best to protracted confl icts like the one under scrutiny. In this research study, Ladislas Bizimana tries to answer the most fundamental question: Who has been doing what, why, how in the bloody confl ict that continues to plunge the peoples of the African Great Lakes region into mourning? In doing so, Ladislas draws upon both his personal experience and professional background. As a Rwandan who lived through and survived the 1994 Rwandan horror, Ladislas speaks from within. This matchless, insightful and compelling testimony is enriched by his being a former TV and Radio reporter working for humanitarian agencies in the African Great Lakes region (1994-1995).