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National Narcissism
National Narcissism offers a groundbreaking anthropological and sociological approach to nationalism through an exposé of the belief systems and psychology of extreme nationalists for whom nationalism is a form of religion. This theoretical approach is illustrated with examples primarily taken from Hungary, with a special focus in two chapters on the role of gender in nationalism. The state of politics and society in Hungary is also examined in a way that steps beyond the usual simplistic, flat narratives of 'what Hungarians are like', by stressing the broad variety of viewpoints current in Hungarian society, the milieu in which a small minority of extreme nationalists are able to make thei...
Europe for the Europeans
For the last two decades the number of political organizations on the far right, neo-populist right and neo-conservative right has been growing. Along with the mounting electoral success for many of the parties there has also been a growing disenchantment with the political class which has led to a revolt against the current political 'establishment'. The events of September 11, 2001 and the 'War on Terror' have further aggravated tensions within the populations between those who feel they are the 'legitimate' citizens of the state and those who are considered 'outsiders'. The recent expansion of the EU's borders has also brought on fears of a surge of both legal and illegal immigration. All these factors have led to a growing number of cases of harassment and outbursts of violence aimed at asylum seekers and ethnic minorities in Europe. This book measures the effects of neo-populist groups on the current political establishment and illustrates how much political appeal neo-populist views have on making current political policy.
Economic Performance in South- East European Transition Countries After the Fall of Communism
In-spite of uninterrupted prosperity from 2003 until 2008 the main characteristic of the transition period in South-East European countries has been a plight and suffering of majority of population. The transition produced some winners and many losers. This is why at least 80% of people in the South-East European countries think that life was better in the ancient regime. The book analysis in detail economic performance in the region after the fall of communism and gives some explanation and possible reasons for a widespread disappointment with transition.
Transatlantic Relations And European Integration - Realities And Dilemmas
The Cold War fortified the transatlantic community in the presence of a commonly perceived military threat, as Europe found in America an ally expressing a reliable casus foederis. Yet, the post-Cold War new world order envisaged in the early 1990s illust
Touring Beyond the Nation: A Transnational Approach to European Tourism History
When tourists travel, they often seek the exotic. The farther they venture, the more unique the cultures they gaze upon, the greater the prestige accrued; cross-cultural contact is commonplace. Yet despite the obviously transnational character of the tourist experience, national borders define existing studies of tourism. Spanish, French, or German tourism is treated almost in isolation and there are only hints of a larger transnational impetus behind the creation of national tourism products. This volume tells a different story. Although modern tourism first evolved in Europe changes were never confined to national borders. The Grand Tour, the birthplace of modern tourism, was consummately ...
The Great Recession, the Balkans and the Euro
The recession, which started in the USA in autumn 2007, spread to the rest of the world in 2008 and 2009. The Balkan countries were hit hard by the recession. Closely tied to the European Union, they felt the full blow of the crisis in the Eurozone. In a narrow sense, this crisis was caused by weaknesses, contradictions, and inconsistencies of the EMU. In a wider sense, the common denominator of the Great Recession and the crisis in the Eurozone could be found in huge imbalances generated by market fundamentalism and the inability of the neoliberal concept of capitalism to achieve major socioeconomic goals.
Nationalisms Today
After the end of communism and the breakups of the studiously anational polities of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia into successor nation-states, nationalism and ethnicity returned to the fore of international politics. Earlier these forces had been relegated to the back burner of history when the Cold War struggle unfolded. But even then the process of decolonization had been none other but the gradual globalization of the nation and nation-state as the most legitimate forms of modern-day peoplehood and statehood. At present, nationalism is the sole uncontested global ideology of statehood legitimization. The ethnic variety of this ideology also forms the basis upon which stateless groups r...
The Oxford Handbook of Postwar European History
The postwar period is no longer current affairs but is becoming the recent past. As such, it is increasingly attracting the attentions of historians. Whilst the Cold War has long been a mainstay of political science and contemporary history, recent research approaches postwar Europe in many different ways, all of which are represented in the 35 chapters of this book. As well as diplomatic, political, institutional, economic, and social history, the The Oxford Handbook of Postwar European History contains chapters which approach the past through the lenses of gender, espionage, art and architecture, technology, agriculture, heritage, postcolonialism, memory, and generational change, and shows...
The Aftermath of Defeats in War
This book sets out to explain the variation in nations’ reactions to their defeats in war. Typically, we observe two broad reactions to defeat: an inward-oriented response that accepts defeat as a reality and utilizes it as an opportunity for a new beginning, and an outward-oriented one that rejects defeat and invests national energies in restoring what was lost—most likely by force. This volume argues that although defeats in wars are humiliating experiences, those sentiments do not necessarily trigger aggressive nationalism, empower radical parties, and create revisionist foreign policy. Post-defeat, radicalization will be actualized only if it is filtered through three variables: national self-images (inflated or realistic), political parties (strong or weak), and international opportunities and constraints. The author tests this theory on four detailed case studies, Egypt (1967), Turkey/Ottoman Empire, Hungary and Bulgaria (WWI), and Islamic fundamentalism.
