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Since the mid-1990s, political, legal, and historical debates about Nazi theft and confiscation of property, the use of slave labor during World War II, and restitution and compensation have reemerged. Revisiting the National Socialist Legacy presents completely new historical research on these issues conducted worldwide.This volume responds to concern about Holocaust era assets in Europe, the United States, and Latin America. It focuses on both reexamination of the history of National Socialist property theft and employment of forced labor in the wartime economy, and the compensation and restitution solutions advanced in various European and Latin American countries since 1945.
Threats of force are a common feature of international politics, advocated by some as an economical guarantee against the outbreak of war and condemned by others as a recipe for war. Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter forbids states to use threats of force, yet the meaning of the prohibition is unclear. This book provides the first comprehensive appraisal of the no-threat principle: its origin, underlying rationale, theoretical implications, relevant jurisprudence, and how it has withstood the test of time from 1945 to the present. Based on a systematic evaluation of state and United Nations practices, the book identifies what constitutes a threat of force and when its use is justified under the United Nations Charter. In so doing, it relates the no-threat principle to important concepts of the twentieth century, such as deterrence, escalation, crisis management, and what has been aptly described as the 'diplomacy of violence'.
This comprehensive text analyzes the foreign policies of eighteen countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. First assessing the state of the discipline, the introduction develops a common framework that compares the relevant explanatory weight of foreign policy determinants at the individual, state, and international level for each country. Case studies include the major regional powers such as Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, as well as less-studied players such as the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, and Uruguay. With its focused analytical questions and rich empirical description, this book allows readers to develop sustained comparisons across the full spectrum of Latin American foreign policy.
In the new unipolar world of globalisation, the bargaining power and sense of solidarity of Third World countries have never been weaker. But their shared problems, this author argues, remain a reality which requires political expression. But does the Third World still even exist? What role, if any, can it have in the 21st century's new topography of power? And with what agenda? These are the critical questions explored . These questions lead the author into his second theme. Latin America has long had to confront how to conduct its relations with an over-mighty neighbour, the USA. It may now be well placed to help developing countries concert together. To this end the author explores modern Latin American history, with emphasis on the changes wrought in the 1980s and 90s in the context of the continent's wider relations with the Third World and the USA. The result is an insightful account of where developing countries now are and how they might seek to reassert themselves in order to defend their interests in the new world order.
Dual Legacies in the Contemporary Caribbean (1986) is a comparative and systematic study of the legacies bequeathed by British and French colonial rule in the Caribbean. It examines in detail what are self-evidently among the more tangible legacies from the era of slavery presently manifest in the region: the pattern, structure and decline of the sugar economy in the French and Commonwealth Caribbean; the continuing influence of Britain in the pre- and post-independence political systems of the Commonwealth Caribbean, as well as of France over its Caribbean possessions; and the retention and adaptation of cultural forms derived from colonial practice as variously exhibited in the educational and ideological beliefs current within the region. These essays offer provocative insights and report intriguing parallels between the British and French experiences in the region. They also offer new interpretations of the processes at work in the area and confirm the utility of the comparative approach in appraising its problems.
This book explores the comparative historical evolution of the European, Inter-American and African regional human rights systems. The book devotes attention to various factors that have shaped the systems: the different circumstances in which they were founded; the influence of major states and inter-state politics within their respective regions; gradual processes of institutional evolution; and the impact of human rights advocates and claimants. Throughout, the book devotes careful attention to the impact of institutional and procedural choices on the functioning of human rights systems. Overarchingly, the book explores the contextually-generated differences between the three systems, suggesting that human rights practice is less unitary than it might at times appear. Prescriptively, the book proposes that, contrary to the received wisdom in some quarters, the Inter-American system's dual-track approach may provide the most promising model in regards to future human rights system design.
The second volume in Robert Scheina's definitive study of Latin American military history draws upon years of extensive research and teaching in the field. Although wags in the United States have quipped that if Latin America's military forces were not constantly seeking political power they would have nothing to do, Scheina describes how these men have not only bravely defended their own homelands from foreign enemies but have also gone abroad to fight in both world wars and in the Korean War. This groundbreaking volume also examines the numerous U.S. interventions in Latin America during the twentieth century and the various motivations for them, ranging from the petty interests of influen...
The fundamental idea of this book is to show – based on the example of Oswald Menghin, Minister of Education of the National Socialist Austrian “Anschluss”-government, and the networks surrounding him – how science and politics were interwoven in Austria in the first half of the 20th century and how the ideas and networks created in that milieu outlasted the alleged caesurae of this period and found continuation in post-war South America. As Menghin traversed an astonishing number of political upheavals and changes – time after time in exalted positions –, his biography may be considered as paradigmatic for the Age of Extremes. The following aspects form the core interest of this book: (1) Menghin’s position in the political and scientific field, as well as the interconnection between these spheres. (2) The transnational entanglement between the two central areas of Menghin’s geographic spheres of action. (3) Continuities and changes both in Menghin’s biography and in a broader political and scientific context in Austria and Argentina. (4) Menghin’s scope of action and the extent of his responsibility for crucial and often dire developments in all these facets.