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For a myriad of reasons, the United States of America created a Department of Defiance whose seemly unshakeable credo is based on the oft-quoted sports slogan that the best defense is a good offense. Thus America was caught with its pants down on September 11. It could attack entire countries with doomsday nuclear weapons at the drop of the hat, but couldn't find or hit the person who dropped the hat. It could rain down 500 pound hole blaster bombs but couldn't find the holes. Who even thought anyone would have the chutzpah to attack the US? A US which had grown so indolent following its firm policy of bombing anyone, anywhere without regards to God's or man's laws or even common sense. The new concept of home security has been belatedly discovered by the mandarins in Washington. These book detail efforts at trying to figure out why the strongest offensive military power on Earth may also be the weakest defensive power.
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On a mountainside in sunny Tuscany, in October 1989, 96 people from 23 countries on five continents gathered to learn and teach about the problems of managing contemporary science. The diversity of economic and political systems represented in the group was matched by our occupations, which stretched from science policy practitioners, through research scientists and engineers, through academic observers of science and science policy. It was this diversity, along with the opportunities for infonnal discussion provided by long meals and remote location, that made the conference a special learning experience. Except at lecture time, it was impossible to distinguish the "students" at this event ...
Scholars and citizens alike have endlessly debated the proper limits of presidential action within our democracy. In this revised and expanded edition, noted scholar Phillip Cooper offers a cogent guide to these powers and shows how presidents from George Washington to Barack Obama have used and abused them in trying to realize their visions for the nation. As Cooper reveals, there has been virtually no significant policy area or level of government left untouched by the application of these presidential “power tools.” Whether seeking to regulate the economy, committing troops to battle without a congressional declaration of war, or blocking commercial access to federal lands, presidents...
The 9/11 terrorist attacks have sparked a wildfire of debates. There are several issues that serve as the source of these debates but they are all based on one of two common concerns: either the balance of power between the people and the U.S. government, or the efficiency of the nation's security resources. How far should the government be able to infringe upon the people's constitutional rights to expression, privacy, religious worship etc. to ensure the safety of its people? And how far will the people be willing to let those rights be infringed upon, if they are even aware that they exist. It is a strange dichotomy that is ironic when one considers that the war on terrorism is being fought in the name of freedom. The other concern was born from questions of whether or not 9/11 could have been prevented and if more lives could have been saved during the tragedy if the nation's security infrastructure was better organised. This book examines these various issues and debates.
A full understanding of the institution of the American presidency requires us to examine how it developed from the founding to the present. This developmental lens, analyzing how historical turns have shaped the modern institution, allows for a richer, more nuanced understanding. The Development of the American Presidency pays great attention to that historical weight but is organized by the topics and concepts relevant to political science, with the constitutional origins and political development of the presidency its central focus. Through comprehensive and in-depth coverage, Richard J. Ellis looks at how the presidency has evolved in relation to the public, to Congress, to the executive...