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At a point in history marked by dramatic challenges to the existing political and social order, the question of legal and political obligation emerges as a focal point of international concern. Amid the clamor for radical change in the established order, theories of political obligation demand renewed examination. In this volume, eighteen leading specialists in the legal, philosophical, and political science aspects of the question offer their views on this timely topic. Part I examines the nature of moral, legal, and political obligation. The first essay presents a set of definitions that denies the very existence of obligation. While the second essay disagreeing particularly with respect t...
Evaluates the foundational idea of progress from many perspectives
In Due Process and Fair Trial in EU Competition Law, Cristina Teleki addresses the complex relationship between Articles 101 and 102 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The book is built around the idea that big business can threaten democracy. Due process and fair trial should be central to the process of addressing bigness through competition law, by safeguarding independent decision-making and judicial review and by preventing competition authorities from growing into administrative behemoths threatening democracy from inside. To show this, the book combines a comprehensive review of the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights with insight from economics, psychology and systems theory.
Professor Pennock launches an encyclopedic study that evaluates and ultimately synthesizes a variety of democratic theories. After defining democracy and examining the basic tensions both within and between liberty and equality, and individualism and collectivism, the author sets forth two typologies of operational democratic theories, one related to power, the other related to motivation. In succeeding chapters, he analyzes a series of problems with which any operating democracy must contend, and then measures—on the basis of empirical work done in this area—the adequacy of the various theories in dealing with these problems. Originally published in 1979. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Coercion, it seems, like poverty and prejudice, has always been with us. Political thinkers and philosophers have been arguing its more direct and personal consequences for centuries. Today, at a point in history marked by dramatic changes and challenges to the existing military, political, and social order, coercion is more at the forefront of political activity than ever before. While the modern state has no doubt freed man from some of the forms of coercion by which he has traditionally been plagued, we hear now from all sectors of society complaints about systematic coerciveness-not only on the national and international levels, but on the individual level as well.
This book argues that Congress's process for making law is as corrosive to the nation as unchecked deficit spending. David Schoenbrod shows that Congress and the president, instead of making the laws that govern us, generally give bureaucrats the power to make laws through agency regulations. Our elected "lawmakers" then take credit for proclaiming popular but inconsistent statutory goals and later blame the inevitable burdens and disappointments on the unelected bureaucrats. The 1970 Clean Air Act, for example, gave the Environmental Protection Agency the impossible task of making law that would satisfy both industry and environmentalists. Delegation allows Congress and the president to wie...
This is Volume V of fifteen in the Sociology of Law and Criminology series. Originally published in 1946, readers of the present volume will be aware of the links existing, for instance, between certain chapters of the author’s previous work ‘Social Aspects’, especially those on Business Administration and similar subjects, and the economic sections of the present book; or between the concluding Parts of the latter and of ‘The Dilemma’. A few lectures of a programmatic character delivered at a Summer School of the Fabian Society and at the South Place Ethical Society also feature in this book. It is one of the most important functions of Criminal Justice to play some part in the great task of Education for Citizenship.
Governments and consumers expect internet platform companies to regulate their users to prevent fraud, stop misinformation, and avoid violence. Yet, so far, they've failed to do so. The inability of platforms like Facebook, Google, and Amazon to govern their users has led to stolen elections, refused vaccines, counterfeit N95s in a pandemic, and even genocide. Such failures stem from these companies' inability to manage the complexity of their userbases, products, and their own incentives under the eyes of internal and external constituencies. The Networked Leviathan argues that countries should adapt the institutional tools developed in political science for platform governance to democratize major platforms. Democratic institutions allow knowledgeable actors to freely share and apply their understanding of the problems they face while leaders more readily recruit third parties to help manage their decision-making capacity. This book is also available Open Access on Cambridge Core. For more information, visit https://networked-leviathan.com.
In a vitally important book for anyone interested in nuclear proliferation, defense strategy, or international security, Matthew Kroenig points out that nearly every country with a nuclear weapons arsenal received substantial help at some point from a more advanced nuclear state. Why do some countries help others to develop nuclear weapons? Many analysts assume that nuclear transfers are driven by economic considerations. States in dire economic need, they suggest, export sensitive nuclear materials and technology—and ignore the security risk—in a desperate search for hard currency. Kroenig challenges this conventional wisdom. He finds that state decisions to provide sensitive nuclear as...
What is it to blame someone, and when are would-be blamers in a position to do so? What function does blame serve in our lives, and is it a valuable way of relating to one another? The essays in this volume explore answers to these and related questions.