Welcome to our book review site go-pdf.online!
You may have to Search all our reviewed books and magazines, click the sign up button below to create a free account.
Ending South Sudan's Civil War
Following its independence in 2011, three years of civil war have left South Sudan on the cusp of full-scale genocide. The only remaining path to ending violence in South Sudan is for an international transitional administration, established by the United Nations and the African Union, to run the country for a finite period.
Scars and Revelations
Sudan’s conflicts are rooted in the creation of the state. During Sudan’s Anglo-Egyptian colonial rule, the Arabic Muslim north and Christian and animist south were ruled as two distinct entities. The north was modernized but the south neglected, creating parallel entities which overlooked the diversity and historical interrelations between the areas. Sudan's conflicts are rooted in the creation of the state. A 1947 policy change to unify them meant that when the country was granted independence in 1956, Sudan was left with a heavily unified and centralized state, ruled from the north. The south, which already had social and political grievances, feared it would be dominated by the Arabi...
Ending South Sudan’s Civil War
Following its independence in 2011, three years of civil war have left South Sudan on the cusp of full-scale genocide, with its sovereignty discredited by warring elites, asserts a new Council Special Report, Ending South Sudan's Civil War. "The only remaining path to protect [South Sudan's] sovereignty and territorial integrity, restore its legitimacy, and politically empower its citizens is through an international transitional administration, established by the United Nations and the African Union (AU), to run the country for a finite period," argues Katherine Almquist Knopf, the author of the report.
First Raise a Flag
A beautifully written first-hand account of how bitter and deadly rivalries dashed the hopes of the world's newest nation
The Role of BRICS in Large-Scale Armed Conflict
This book explores how BRICS countries respond to, and get involved in, large scale armed conflict. It argues that through responding to armed conflict and deviating from the preferred Western foreign policy, BRICS countries are actively involved in building a multi-polar and post-western world order. The author develops a concise typology of response types portraying a nuanced picture of the BRICS grouping. Responses reach from non-coercive and cooperative multi-lateral behaviour reaching to neo-imperial unilateralism and military intervention. The book explains the selection of response types with reference to six variables which refer to the proximity to war, availability of power resources, the type of conflict, economic interests, the BRICS normative agenda and global humanitarian norms. Four armed conflicts in Libya, Syria, South Sudan and the Ukraine are chosen to illustrate the BRICS engagement with large scale armed conflicts.
Believers, Skeptics, and Failure in Conflict Resolution
This book discusses the following questions: Why are some conflicts so enduring and why is conflict resolution so hard? The author begins by introducing two conflicting perspectives, Skeptics and Believers, to highlight the lack of consensus on conflict resolution. The book further examines the literature on the sources of violent conflict, including ethnic, economic, environmental, and religious sources, and investigates the claim that an absence of knowledge, power, or political will are at the center of conflict resolution failures. By focusing on the problem of state formation, the author demonstrates the ways in which the nature of the state contributes to violent conflict. In the end, conflict resolution fails because individuals, groups, and external powers choose war and often prefer it over peaceful alternatives.
Independence Movements and Their Aftermath
This volume explores the varied outcomes that self-determination movements around the world have achieved, and in particular seeks to understand what factors promote better outcomes and what factors promote worse ones. Rather than focusing on the metric of achieving independence, the project evaluates the quality of societies after independence, including such elements as economic strength and political resilience, and it analyzes what factors contribute to different outcomes. The study finds that the single most determinative factor in the success of any independence movement is frequently beyond the control of such a movement, often relating to the global and historical contexts in which the movement finds itself. However, a whole host of factors are within the control of such a movement, but movements do not always seek to act on many of them. Activists become so convinced in the justness of the independence cause that they do not focus on actions that would contribute to greater success after independence.
Sudan’s People and the Country of ‘South Sudan’ from Civil War to Independence, 1955–2011
(100% of proceeds from the sale of this book will be donated to humanitarian efforts and projects of ADONGOR FOUNDATION and Euro-African Foundations, NGOs registered in Poland working for African people at home and in Diaspora. You may visit www.adongor.org to find all information about the charity and its goal activities for each of its branches globally. ADONGOR FOUNDATION was founded by the author himself in 2018 and is registered officially with the Ministry of Justice in Poland. Euro African Foundation on the other hand was founded by Mr Adil Abdel Aati, and is a charity working in partnership with ADONGOR FOUNDATION.) --------------------------------------------- Sudan’s conflicts ar...
Rethinking the Responsibility to Protect
This edited volume critically examines the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as a guiding norm in international politics. After NATO’s intervention in Libya, against the backdrop of civil wars in Syria and Yemen, and because of the cynical support for R2P by states such as Saudi Arabia, this norm is the subject of heavy criticism. It seems that the R2P is just political rhetoric, an instrument exploited by the powerful states. Hence, the R2P is being challenged. At the same time, however, institutional settings, normative discourses and contestation practices are making it more robust. New understandings of responsibility and the politics of protection are creating new normative spaces, patt...
