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Did Spanish explorers really discover the sunken city of Atlantis or one of the lost tribes of Israel in Aztec México? Did classical writers foretell the discovery of America? Were faeries and Amazons hiding in Guiana, and where was the fabled golden city, El Dorado? Who was more powerful, Apollo or Diana, and which claimant nation, Spain or England, would win the game of empire? These were some of the questions English writers, historians, and polemicists asked through their engagement with Spanish romance. By exploring England’s fanatical consumption of these tales of love and arms as reflected in the works of Edmund Spenser, William Shakespeare, John Dryden, Ben Jonson, and Peter Heylyn, this book shows how the idea of English empire took root in and through literature, and how these circumstances primed the success of Miguel de Cervantes's Don Quixote of la Mancha in England.
This book is the first modern overview of the history of historiography in Spain. It covers sources from Juan de Mariana's History of Spain, written at the end of the sixteenth century, up to current historical writings and their context. The main objective of the book is to shed light on the continuities and breaks in the ways that Spanish historians represented ideas of Spain. The concept of historiography used is wide enough to span not only academic works and institutions but also public uses of history, including the history taught in schools. The methodology employed by the author combines the tradition of studies of national identity with those of historiography. One of the key themes in the book is the role of the historical profession in Spain and its influence on national discourse from the nineteenth century onwards.
The Spanish Craze is the compelling story of the centuries-long U.S. fascination with the history, literature, art, culture, and architecture of Spain. Richard L. Kagan offers a stunningly revisionist understanding of the origins of hispanidad in America, tracing its origins from the early republic to the New Deal. As Spanish power and influence waned in the Atlantic World by the eighteenth century, her rivals created the “Black Legend,” which promoted an image of Spain as a dead and lost civilization rife with innate cruelty and cultural and religious backwardness. The Black Legend and its ambivalences influenced Americans throughout the nineteenth century, reaching a high pitch in the ...
This book presents a new history of the most important conflict in European affairs during the 1930s, the Spanish Civil War. It describes the complex origins of the conflict, the collapse of the Spanish Republic and the outbreak of the only mass worker revolution in the history of Western Europe. Stanley Payne explains the character of the Spanish revolution and the complex web of republican politics, while also examining the development of Franco's counter-revolutionary dictatorship. Payne gives attention to the multiple meanings and interpretations of war and examines why the conflict provoked such strong reactions at the time, and long after. The book also explains the military history of the war and its place in the history of military development, the non-intervention policy of the democracies and the role of German, Italian and Soviet intervention, concluding with an analysis of the place of the war in European affairs, in the context of twentieth-century revolutionary civil wars.
Der Aufbau der europäischen Einheit scheitert nicht zuletzt an tief verwurzelten Vorurteilen unter den Europäern, vor allem unter den Nordeuropäern gegenüber denen des Südens. Maria Elvira Roca Barea geht der Frage nach, woher diese Vorurteile kommen, die auf Spaniens imperialer Geschichte und auf dem schlechten Bild des Katholizismus gründen. Roca Barea legt mit diesem Buch den Grundstein, um das Verständnis unter den Europäern zu verbessern. Denn das ist eine notwendige Voraussetzung für ein freies, demokratisches und geeintes Europa, um inmitten der kommenden Turbulenzen zu überleben.
Told for the first time in English, Paul Preston’s new book tells the story of a preventable tragedy that cost many thousands of lives and ruined tens of thousands more at the end of the Spanish Civil War.
Insults, scorn, and verbal abuse—frequently deployed to affirm the social identity of the insulter—are destined to fail when that language is appropriated and embraced by the maligned group. In such circumstances, slander may instead empower and reinforce the collective identity of those perceived to be a threat to an idealized society. In this innovative study, Irigoyen-Garcia examines how the discourse and practices of insult and infamy shaped the cultural imagination, anxieties, and fantasies of early modern Spain. Drawing on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literary works, archival research, religious and political literature, and iconographic documents, Dystopias of Infamy traces how the production of insults haunts the imaginary of power, provoking latent anxieties about individual and collective resistance to subjectification. Of particular note is Cervantes’s tendency to parody regulatory fantasies about infamy throughout his work, lampooning repressive law for its paradoxical potential to instigate the very defiance it fears.
NUEVA EDICIÓN REVISADA Y AMPLIADA Con más de 150.000 lectores, el fenómeno de ventas que desmonta ideas preconcebidas y nos propone revisar la Historia, la de España y la del mundo. Elvira Roca acomete con rigor en este volumen la cuestión de delimitar las ideas de imperio, leyenda negra e imperiofobia. De esta manera podemos entender qué tienen en común los imperios y las leyendas negras que irremediablemente van unidas a ellos, cómo surgen creadas por intelectuales ligados a poderes locales y cómo los mismos imperios las asumen. El orgullo, la hybris, la envidia, no son ajenos a la dinámica imperial. La autora se ocupa de la imperiofobia en los casos de Roma, los Estados Unidos y...
Este libro tiene como trasfondo la vida de un abogado y político conservador que apostó, incluso arriesgándose a ser juzgado por delito contra las formas del Estado, por el advenimiento de la II República, en tanto que consideró, con toda honestidad, que la vía monárquica no acertaba a encontrar soluciones a los problemas de la época.A pesar de retirarse de la política antes de las elecciones generales de febrero de 1936 y de que su partido (PAE) no se pronunció nunca contra la República, fue detenido en su casa, sin cargos ni acusaciones, mantenido 4 meses en una checa y conducido, finalmente, a Paracuellos del Jarama, para ser asesinado.Parece mentira que todavía hoy haya muchas personas que no hayan entendido que el criterio rector ha de ser que «la humana comprensión de que la verdad nuestra es sólo una parte de la verdad, y hay que dejar, por lo tanto, un margen de respeto para los que no piensan como nosotros; porque sólo con que profesen sinceramente su ideal, este, aunque no sea el nuestro, es parte también de la verdad». (Gregorio Marañón).