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This book examines the use of military force as a coercive tool by the United States, using lessons drawn from the post-Cold War era (1991–2018). The volume reveals that despite its status as sole superpower during the post-Cold War period, US efforts to coerce other states failed as often as they succeeded. In the coming decades, the United States will face states that are more capable and creative, willing to challenge its interests and able to take advantage of missteps and vulnerabilities. By using lessons derived from in-depth case studies and statistical analysis of an original dataset of more than 100 coercive incidents in the post-Cold War era, this book generates insight into how the US military can be used to achieve policy goals. Specifically, it provides guidance about the ways in which, and the conditions under which, the US armed forces can work in concert with economic and diplomatic elements of US power to create effective coercive strategies. This book will be of interest to students of US national security, US foreign policy, strategic studies and International Relations in general.
"This book considers whether the United States and the People's Republic of China have irreconcilable visions of world order. The United States, China, and the Competition for Control evaluates the twin claims that China seeks to dismantle the post-World War II international order and that the United States seeks to defend it. It defines the post-war order and examines how the United States and China have behaved within and in relation to it since 1945. Analysis of the two states' rhetoric and policy reveals that their preferences for international order are not as divergent as today's conventional wisdom suggests. The book therefore concludes that U.S. policies that treat China as a threat to international order are misplaced, and offers policy recommendations for how the United States can both preserve the post-war order and protect its vital national interests. The book will be of interest to foreign policy practitioners, commentators, and analysts as well as students and scholars of security studies, international relations, and geopolitics"--
This book considers whether the United States and the People’s Republic of China have irreconcilable visions of world order. The United States, China, and the Competition for Control evaluates the twin claims that China seeks to dismantle the post–World War II international order and that the United States seeks to defend it. It defines the post–war order and examines how the United States and China have behaved within and in relation to it since 1945. An analysis of the two states’ rhetoric and policy reveals that their preferences for international order are not as divergent as today’s conventional wisdom suggests. The book therefore concludes that U.S. policies that treat China as a threat to international order are misplaced and offers policy recommendations for how the United States can both preserve the post–war order and protect its vital national interests. The book will be of interest to foreign policy practitioners, commentators, and analysts as well as students and scholars of security studies, international relations, and geopolitics.
Evaluates the U.S. Visitor and Immigrant Status Indicator Technology program, which uses biometrically validated records to track the movements of immigrants and visitors entering and exiting the United States.
As the U.S. special envoy for North Korean human rights from 2009 to 2017, Ambassador Robert R. King led efforts to ensure that human rights were an integral part of U.S. policy with North Korea. In Patterns of Impunity, he traces U.S. involvement and interest in North Korean human rights, from the adoption of the North Korean Human Rights Act in 2004--legislation which King himself was involved in and which called for the creation of the special envoy position--to his own negotiations with North Korean diplomats over humanitarian assistance, discussions that would ultimately end because of the death of Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un's ascension as Supreme Leader, as well as continued nuclear a...
Why and how America’s defense strategy must change in light of China’s power and ambition Elbridge A. Colby was the lead architect of the 2018 National Defense Strategy, the most significant revision of U.S. defense strategy in a generation. Here he lays out how America’s defense must change to address China’s growing power and ambition. Based firmly in the realist tradition but deeply engaged in current policy, this book offers a clear framework for what America’s goals in confronting China must be, how its military strategy must change, and how it must prioritize these goals over its lesser interests. The most informed and in-depth reappraisal of America’s defense strategy in decades, this book outlines a rigorous but practical approach, showing how the United States can prepare to win a war with China that we cannot afford to lose—precisely in order to deter that war from happening.
Taking a long view of the three-party relationship, and its future prospects In this Asian century, scholars, officials and journalists are increasingly focused on the fate of the rivalry between China and India. They see the U.S. relationships with the two Asian giants as now intertwined, after having followed separate paths during the Cold War. In Fateful Triangle, Tanvi Madan argues that China's influence on the U.S.-India relationship is neither a recent nor a momentary phenomenon. Drawing on documents from India and the United States, she shows that American and Indian perceptions of and policy toward China significantly shaped U.S.-India relations in three crucial decades, from 1949 to...
Compares the economic effects of university research in the USA and Japan. Incorporating historical, sociological and industrial perspectives, the book discusses the mechanics of university-industry interactions and how policies encouraging such interactions can address regional/national needs.
This IPE Classic considers one of the most pressing issues of the Twenty-First century: the relationship between domestic configurations of power and globalized production processes in shaping the process and implications of China's re-engagement with the global economy.
An informed modern plan for post-2020 American foreign policy that avoids the opposing dangers of retrenchment and overextension Russia and China are both believed to have "grand strategies"--detailed sets of national security goals backed by means, and plans, to pursue them. In the United States, policy makers have tried to articulate similar concepts but have failed to reach a widespread consensus since the Cold War ended. While the United States has been the world's prominent superpower for over a generation, much American thinking has oscillated between the extremes of isolationist agendas versus interventionist and overly assertive ones. Drawing on historical precedents and weighing issues such as Russia's resurgence, China's great rise, North Korea's nuclear machinations, and Middle East turmoil, Michael O'Hanlon presents a well-researched, ethically sound, and politically viable vision for American national security policy. He also proposes complementing the Pentagon's set of "4+1" pre-existing threats with a new "4+1" biological, nuclear, digital, climatic, and internal dangers.