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The elemental power of food politics has not been fully appraised. Food marketing and consumption were matters of politics as much as economics as England became a market society. In times of dearth, concatenations of food riots, repression, and relief created a maturing politics of provisions. Over three centuries, some eight hundred riots crackled in waves across England. Crowds seized wagons, attacked mills and granaries, and lowered prices in marketplaces or farmyards. Sometimes rioters parleyed with magistrates. More often both acted out a well-rehearsed political minuet that evolved from Tudor risings and state policies down to a complex culmination during the Napoleonic Wars. 'Provisi...
The elemental power of food politics has not been fully appraised. Food marketing and consumption were matters of politics as much as economics as England became a market society. In times of dearth, concatenations of food riots, repression, and relief created a maturing politics of provisions. Over three centuries, some eight hundred riots crackled in waves across England. Crowds seized wagons, attacked mills and granaries, and lowered prices in marketplaces or farmyards. Sometimes rioters parleyed with magistrates. More often both acted out a well-rehearsed political minuet that evolved from Tudor risings and state policies down to a complex culmination during the Napoleonic Wars. 'Provisi...
“For the rare Jews of Poland who managed to survive the Holocaust, the very idea of a return to what had been one’s homeland might seem both physically and psychologically impossible, perhaps even absurd. Yet it is precisely this paradoxical journey that Mira Kimmelman undertakes with great dignity and generosity. In words that are both direct and intimate, she exposes the ambivalence of what it means to learn to live again after Auschwitz—to experience love, raise a family, and assume a steadfast place in the Jewish community of a new land. At the same time, she acknowledges the abyss of losses that can never be retrieved. Perhaps even more importantly, Mira reveals how the pain of a ...
The essays in this book examine how the West modernized and what that modernization meant to human society, particularly in Western Europe and the United States. Within that frame are several distinct subthemes: the process of industrialization in Europe and elsewhere; social mobility, class structures, and class differences; social unrest and the stresses of modernization and industrialization; economic and social equality and inequality and their markers; the role of women in modernization; and the origins of nationalism. The book's chapters discuss these issues from medieval times through the twentieth century, with particular focus on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Contributors John Bohstedt, Gregory Clark, Theodore Evergates, Claudia Goldin, David Herlihy, Raymond Jonas, Michael Katz, Gloria Main, Franklin Mendels, Joel Mokyr, Gale Stokes, Louis Tilly, Dale Williams, E. A. Wrigley
Comparative historical investigations of gender and political culture in 18th- and 19th-century revolutionary movements
Acknowledged as one of the best introductions to the history of crime in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,Crime and Society in England 1750-1900 examines thedevelopments in policing, the courts, and the penal system as England became increasingly industrialised and urbanised. The book challenges the old but still influential idea that crime can be attributed to the behaviour of a criminal class and that changes in the criminal justice system were principally the work of far-sighted, humanitarian reformers. In this fourth edition of his now classic account, Professor Emsley draws on new research that has shifted the focus from class to gender, from property crime to violent crime and t...
The outbreaks and collective violence arising from the tensions existing within society have long been themes in the study of British social history. This book, first published in 1983, attempts to survey the whole range of these rural riots, to compare and contrast them, and to draw general conclusions. Seventy-five maps are included in this volume, each with an accompanying commentary written by an authority on the particular subject. Taken together, the maps show how the distribution of protest changed over time, how particular forms of protest – riots connected with land, with food and with labour – altered as Britain developed from a predominantly feudal to a prominently capitalist society. This title will be of interest to students of history.
Anti-Catholic sentiment was a major social, cultural, and political force in Victorian England, capable of arousing remarkable popular passion. Hitherto, however, anti-Catholic feeling has been treated largely from the perspective of parliamentary politics or with reference to the propaganda of various London-based anti-Catholic religious organizations. This book sets out to Victorian anti-Catholicism in a much fuller and more inclusive context, accounting for its persistence over time, disguishing it from anti-Irish sentiment, and explaining its social, economic, political, and religious bases locally as well as nationally. The author is principally concerned with determining what led ordinary people to violent acts against Roman Catholic targets, violent acts against Roman Catholic petitions, joining anti-Catholic organizations, and reading anti-Catholic literature. All too often, English history, and even British history, turns out to be the history of what was happening in the West End. One of the special distinctions of this book is that it shows the interplay between national issues and their local conditions. The book covers the period ca.
Religious progressives Buehrens and Parker discuss the political and personal relevance of the progressive theological movement in the early twenty-first century, covering challenges such as the teachings of fundamentalists, with anecdotes about themes such as eschatology, salvation, sin, and the history of ecumenical and universalist movements.