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After the devastation of World War II, Germany and Japan built national capitalist institutions that were remarkably successful in terms of national reconstruction and international competitiveness. Yet both "miracles" have since faltered, allowing U.S. capital and its institutional forms to establish global dominance. National varieties of capitalism are now under intense pressure to converge to the U.S. model. Kozo Yamamura and Wolfgang Streeck have gathered an international group of authors to examine the likelihood of convergence—to determine whether the global forces of Anglo-American capitalism will give rise to a single, homogeneous capitalist system. The chapters in this volume app...
In Creating Cooperation, Pepper D. Culpepper explains the successes and failures of human capital reforms adopted by the French and German governments in the 1990s. Employers and employees both stand to gain from corporate investment in worker skills, but uncertainty and mutual distrust among companies doom many policy initiatives to failure. Higher skills benefit society as a whole, so national governments want to foster them. However, business firms often will not invest in training that makes their workers more attractive to other employers, even though they would prefer having better-skilled workers.Culpepper sees in European training programs a challenge typical of contemporary problems...
While other studies of international leadership have looked at a variety of measures to predict behavior, this book demonstrates that the key factor is international finance. J. Samuel Barkin uses an innovative blend of rationalist and constructivist methodologies, approaches to international political economy that normally exist in isolation from one another. Barkin argues that the level of a country's involvement in international finance specifically motivates it to lead. This is particularly relevant today, given the on-going discussions on how to respond to local and global financial crises. Barkin illustrates his theory with an episodic history of international monetary leadership over the last four centuries: Dutch leadership in the seventeenth century; British leadership in the nineteenth; the failure of leadership in the interwar era and Great Depression; and the role of the U.S. in the construction of an international economic infrastructure since World War II.
The Japanese government seeks to influence the use of leisure time to a degree that Americans or Europeans would likely find puzzling. Through tourism-promotion initiatives, financing for resort development, and systematic research on recreational practices, the government takes a relentless interest in its citizens' "free time." David Leheny argues that material interests are not a sufficient explanation for such a large and consistent commitment of resources. In The Rules of Play, he reveals the link between Japan's leisure politics and its long-term struggle over national identity. Since the Meiji Restoration, successive Japanese governments have stressed the nation's need to act like a "...
China began opening to the outside world in 1978. This process was designed to remain under the state's control. But the relative value of goods and services inside and outside China drove cities, enterprises, local governments, andindividuals with comparative advantage in international transactions to seek global linkages. These contacts, David Zweig asserts, led to the deregulation of China's mercantilist regime. Through extensive field research, Zweig surveys the extraordinary changes in four sectors of China's domestic political economy: the establishment of developmentzones, rural joint ventures, the struggle over foreign aid and higher education. He also addresses the crucial question of whether, on balance, internationalization weakens or strengthens state power.
How do national identities affect the world economy? Building on the insight that nationalisms and national identities endow economic policy with social purpose, Rawi Abdelal proposes a novel theoretical framework, a distinctively Nationalist perspective on international political economy, to answer this question. Using this framework, and drawing on field research in Lithuania, Ukraine, and Belarus, he provides an in-depth look at the link between national identity and the economic policies of the new states formed by the breakup of the Soviet Union.All these states, from the Baltic coast to central Asia, were economically dependent on Russia during the 1990s. However, they reacted very dif...
Illicit cross-border flows, such as the smuggling of drugs, are proliferating on a global scale. This volume explores the selective nature of the state's retreat, persistence and reassertion in relation to the illicit global economy.
Conventional wisdom holds that "institutions matter." Here, Andrew MacIntyre reveals exactly how they matter in the developing world. Combining an eye for current concerns in international politics with a deep knowledge of Southeast Asia, MacIntyre explores the impact of institutions on effective governance. He examines the "national political architecture"—the complex of rules that determine how leadership of a state is constituted and how state authority is exercised. The Power of Institutions sets out an intriguing conundrum: one well-established body of literature decries the evils of highly centralized political systems, while an equally vigorous school of thought outlines the dangers...
This volume addresses the problem of military and economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the impact of the end of the Cold War, on the evolution of its four regional subsystems (Australasia, Southern Asia, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia), the level of institutionalization in its economic and military dimensions, and the tendency towards regional amity or regional enmity. It investigates the regional institutions of military and economic security organizing the interstate relations of the Asia-Pacific; assesses the military and economic ambitions of China, Japan, and the United States; and suggests that the 'clash of civilizations' thesis is of limited use in understanding the dynamics of interstate relations in this centrally important area of the world. Contributors are Shigekio N. Fukai, Haruhiro Fukui, Norman A. Graham, Steven A. Hoffmann, Jim Rolfe, Sheldon Simon, James Sperling, and Robert M. Uriu.
The United States has never felt at home abroad. The reason for this unease, even after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, is not frequent threats to American security. It is America's identity. The United States, its citizens believe, is a different country, a New World of divided institutions and individualistic markets surviving in an Old World of nationalistic governments and statist economies. In this Old World, the United States finds no comfort and alternately tries to withdraw from it and reform it. America cycles between ambitious internationalist efforts to impose democracy and world order, and more nationalist appeals to trim multilateral commitments and demand that the ...