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Unfreedom for All
It is often said that we live under systems of injustice. But if so, who ought to combat them, and why? Many in the world's liberal elite hold that only the perpetrators or the victims have such duties, because of their special connections to the injustice. Others hold that all of the privileged have them, because they have duties to relieve suffering or to redress their complicity in the injustice. This book challenges those answers. It argues that everyone living under such injustices ought to combat them: victim, perpetrator, and bystander alike. Moreover, they all have the same reason for doing so: such injustices suppress everyone's resistance to their workings. But there is a name for ...
Democratic Multiplicity
Discloses the radical diversity of the field of democracy that is overlooked by mainstream political science.
Unfreedom for All
Who is made unfree by systematic injustices, like poverty, patriarchy, or race? Many think the answer is, "The victims." Who has duties to challenge these injustices? Many say, "The privileged." To both, this book offers a different answer: "Everyone." Everyone is made unfree by such injustices: victims, bystanders, and perpetrators alike. For such injustices try to suppress everyone's resistance to their workings, and that suppression counts as arbitrary power. Moreover, everyone has a duty to themselves to be free. Examining three major global injustices--gender, race, and poverty--this book thus offers a new defence of the doctrine of the global left, "No one is free while others are oppressed!"
Disorienting Neoliberalism
Introduction : injustice in a disorienting world -- Neoliberal theory as a source of orientation -- Seeing (like) supply chain managers -- The outer limit of freedom -- Ugly progress and unhopeful hope -- The significance of solidarity -- Why sovereignty is not a solution -- Conclusion : freedom and resentment amid neoliberalism.
Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements
"Poor-led social movements work to transform the structures that exclude and exploit people who live in poverty, and know that durable poverty reduction ultimately depends upon the political empowerment of the poor. Yet the knowledge and contributions of these movements have been largely neglected by philosophical analyses of severe poverty, which focus instead on the obligations of individuals and institutions in affluent states. The erasure of people living in poverty as central agents of justice puts philosophers out of step with progressive, pro-poor approaches to poverty and development. From rural landless workers in Brazil, to urban shack dwellers in South Africa, to unemployed worker...
On Borders
When are borders justified? Who has a right to control them? Where should they be drawn? Today people think of borders as an island's shores. Just as beaches delimit a castaway's realm, so borders define the edges of a territory, occupied by a unified people, to whom the land legitimately belongs. Hence a territory is legitimate only if it belongs to a people unified by a civic identity. Sadly, this Desert Island Model of territorial politics forces us to choose. If we want territories, then we can either have democratic legitimacy, or inclusion of different civic identities--but not both. The resulting politics creates mass xenophobia, migrant-bashing, hoarding of natural resources, and bor...
Across the Great Divide
The division between analytic and continental political theory remains as sharp as it is wide, rendering basic problems seemingly intractable. Across the Great Divide offers an accessible and compelling account of how this split has shaped the field of political philosophy and suggests means of addressing it. Rather than advocating a synthesis of these philosophical modes, author Jeremy Arnold argues for aporetic cross-tradition theorizing: bringing together both traditions in order to show how each is at once necessary and limited. Across the Great Divide engages with a range of fundamental political concepts and theorists—from state legitimacy and violence in the work of Stanley Cavell, ...
Die Grenzen des Demos
In Demokratien wird täglich über Mitgliedschaft gestritten: Sind Einbürgerungstests sinnvoll? Können verurteilten Terroristinnen die Pässe entzogen werden? Sollten Migrantinnen das Wahlrecht erhalten? Unstrittig scheint jedoch, dass »wir« es sind, die über »unsere« Grenzen entscheiden dürfen. Gegen diese Annahme argumentiert Svenja Ahlhaus, dass Mitgliedschaftsentscheidungen von Bürgerinnen und Nicht-Bürgerinnen gemeinsam getroffen werden sollten. Politische Gemeinschaften sollten, so ihre These, bei Fragen der Mitgliedschaftspolitik Außenstehende in die Entscheidungsfindung einbeziehen.
