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Set against the backdrop of the collapsing Cold War world, this monograph draws on entirely new documentary evidence to chronicle almost two years worth of UN-led peace talks to end the civil war in El Salvador. Presented in 'moment-to-moment' fashion, hitherto private notes and interviews with the chief UN, American and Salvadoran negotiators demonstrate that the key to enduring peace was to restructure relations between the country's powerful entrepreneurs and the armed forces.
Can Latin America compete? Many argue that the macroeconomic and trade reforms of the 1990s merely put a handsome coat of paint over education, labour, judicial, and administrative reforms that remain incomplete. This book identifies ten factors that most influence the competitiveness of Latin American nations and will shape their economic futures.
This book offers a unique look at world inequality, by comparing the development problems and prospects of these two regions in the context of global restructuring and NAFTA.
With North Atlantic post-World War II transatlantic dynamics as the subject, this volume inquires if its theoretical tenets hold in other epochs and Atlantic arenas. Both case and comparative studies of such historical cases as the silver, slave, and commodity trades, and whether ideas, such as faith and democracy, have as much impact as these merchandise flows, simultaneously challenge and strengthen the transatlantic paradigm. They permit transatlantic relations to be stretched as far back as to the 8th Century, in turn exposing transatlantic flows hugging global threads, while revealing the strength and size of several unaccounted types of transatlantic transactions, such as the north-south varieties.
Wylde analyzes Kirchnerismo in Argentina and the developmental regime approach in the political economy of development in Latin America. He shows the systematic way in which relationships between state-market, state-society, and national-international dichotomies can be characterised within a developmentalist paradigm.
A new investigation into how the advent of precision-guided munitions affects the likelihood of US policy makers to use force. As such, this is an inquiry into the impact of ethics, strategy and military technology on the decision calculus of national leaders. Following the first Gulf War in 1991, this new study shows how US Presidents increasingly used stand-off precision guided munitions (or "PGMs", especially the Tomahawk cruise missile) either to influence foreign adversaries to make specific policy choices or to signal displeasure with their actions. Such uses of force are attractive because they can lead to desirable policy outcomes where conventional diplomacy has failed but without the large cost of lives, economic resources, or political capital that result from large-scale military operations. In a post-9/11 world, understanding alternative uses of force under significant policy constraints is still of supreme importance.
This book presents research, analysis, and reflections on the major issues of Guatemalan development and democracy: the role of the military, the involvement of Mayan communities in national development, the possible emergence of more inclusive political institutions and the roles of international forces and agencies in Guatemalan social change. The chapters in this book are written by some of the most prominent scholars and public policy experts from Guatemala and the United States.
In the 1980s, security forces and paramilitary organizations killed, abducted, or tortured an estimated 80,000 Salvadoran citizens. During this period, the government of Guatemala was responsible for the death or disappearance of more than 100,000 civilians, many of them indigenous peasants. But such abuses were curtailed when peace talks, largely motivated by international human rights activism, led to interventions by United Nations observers who raised the degree of respect for human rights within each nation. These two cases are emblematic of many more in recent world events. Susan Burgerman here explains how international pressure can be effective in changing oppressive state behavior. ...
For Central America, the last third of the 20th century was a time of dramatic change in which most countries shifted from dictatorships to formal political democracy. This study demonstrates how revolt and revolution served as the motors of political change in Central America. The book examines the various ways in which democratic transition has taken place - all of which have been distinct from countries in South America, where democratization was relatively sudden and peaceful. It analyzes the major forces shaping change in the region and provides the recent political history of all six Central American countries: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Costa Rica and Panama. Each country's particular transition should add to the reader's understanding of democratization.
This book offers a thorough and fair-minded interpretation of the role of the United States in El Salvador's civil war.