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Akturk discusses how the definition of being German, Soviet, Russian and Turkish changed at the turn of the twenty-first century.
Akturk discusses how the definition of being German, Soviet, Russian and Turkish changed at the turn of the twenty-first century.
Religion and nationalism are two of the most powerful forces in the world. And as powerful as they are separately, humans throughout history have fused religious beliefs and nationalist politics to develop religious nationalism, which uses religious identity to define membership in the national community. But why and how have modern nationalists built religious identity as the foundational signifier of national identity in what sociologists have predicted would be a more secular world? This book takes two cases - nationalism in both Ireland and Turkey in the 20th century - as a foundation to advance a new theory of religious nationalism. By comparing cases, Goalwin emphasizes how modern political actors deploy religious identity as a boundary that differentiates national groups This theory argues that religious nationalism is not a knee-jerk reaction to secular modernization, but a powerful movement developed as a tool that forges new and independent national identities.
The Syrian Civil War started in March 2011 and still continues. It causes death, turmoil, humanitarian crisis, and mass migration in the region. Numerous state and non-state actors are involved in this multi-sided armed conflict. On 24 November 2015, Turkey shoots down a Russian fighter jet on its border and this event becomes the turning point in Russo–Turkish relations. An economic and psychological war starts between Moscow and Ankara which damages their good relations existed before the crisis. Despite the crisis, the sides to the conflict understand that they need each other for their own benefits and look for reconciliation. Russia, a supporter of the Assad government in Syria, does not want to lose Turkey as a friend. Turkey, an energy partner of Russia, needs Russia to balance the power relations in the region. They are two neighboring countries with strong historical socio-economic ties that need to be restored. The reconciliation process is not easy and requires some third party role. The PYD/YPG-centered US policy in Syria affects Turkey’s strategies.
Turkey’s democracy has historically suffered from continuous coup attempts which aimed directly to overthrow the elected governments of the time. At least four successful coups have occurred in a period of 50 years and in July 15 2016 the latest attempt was executed. However, unlike the previous coups, the plotters failed to achieve their goals on the night of July 15, resulting in a triumph for Turkish unity and democracy. As such, the July 15 coup attempt can be considered as an example per se of people power which is worth studying. July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey: Context, Causes and Consequences presents different perspectives focusing on political, economic, sociological and psycholog...
Between the 1850s and World War I, about one million North Caucasian Muslims sought refuge in the Ottoman Empire. This resettlement of Muslim refugees from Russia changed the Ottoman state. Circassians, Chechens, Dagestanis, and others established hundreds of refugee villages throughout the Ottoman Balkans, Anatolia, and the Levant. Most villages still exist today, including what is now the city of Amman. Muslim refugee resettlement reinvigorated regional economies, but also intensified competition over land and, at times, precipitated sectarian tensions, setting in motion fundamental shifts in the borderlands of the Russian and Ottoman empires. Empire of Refugees reframes late Ottoman histo...
The International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) has recently published a report named as“Turkish-Russian Relations in The Post-Cold War Period: Current Dynamics, Future Prospects”. This report can be evaluated from this perspective, as it is the first product of the Track II initiative that has started between International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) and Institute of Oriental Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences (IOS). The first meeting was held in Ankara in 19 February 2013 with participation of Turkish and Russian academicians, bureaucrats and decision makers. However, it is just the first step and should be taken to a next level by better coordination and planni...
Koçgiri Aşireti’nin merkezi olarak bilinen Sivas-Ümraniye’de 6 Mart 1921’de yaşanan birtakım “asayişsizlik” olaylarını haber alan Ankara hükümeti asayişi tesis etmek ve olayların büyümesini önlemek amacıyla bölgede örfi idare ilan etmiş, Nurettin Paşa kumandasında bir ordu görevlendirerek bölgeye göndermişti. Bastırma harekâtı sırasındaki yoğun şiddet uygulamaları, yapılan şikâyetler sonucu Meclis’in de gündemine alınmış ve durumu yerinde incelemek, olayların faillerinin ve askerî harekât sonrasında meydana çıkan elim tabloda sorumluluğu bulunanların tespiti için “Koçgiri Tahkikat Heyeti” ismiyle bölgeye bir kurul yollanmış...
Muqarnas is sponsored by The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture at Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts.In Muqarnas articles are being published on all aspects of Islamic visual culture, historical and contemporary, as well as articles dealing with unpublished textual primary sources.
In the last decade Russia has searched for new alternative policies to compensate for its political deficiencies and to balance its rivals in one of the key areas of the approaching geopolitical rivalry, the sea. The Russian assertiveness seen in the Black Sea-Mediterranean basin has recently been a real concern for the international community. In the six chapters of this book, contributors explain Moscow’s newly perceived assertive foreign and security behavior in the Black Sea and Mediterranean basin from their own perspectives, and reach a conclusion about the limits and validity of this new Russian ascendance in the region.