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Lithuania 1940
In June 1940, as Nazi troops marched into Paris, the Soviet Red Army marched into Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia; seven weeks later, the USSR Supreme Soviet ratified the Soviet takeover of these states. For half a century, Soviet historians insisted that the three republics had voluntarily requested incorporation into the Soviet Union. Now it has become possible to examine the events of that tumultuous time more carefully. Alfred Erich Senn, the author of books on the formation of the Lithuanian state in 1918-1920 and on the reestablishment of that independence in 1988-1991, has produced a fascinating account of the Soviet takeover, juxtaposing a picture of the disintegration and collapse of the old regime with the Soviets’ imposition of a new order. Discussing the historiography and the living memory of the events, he uses the image of a “shell game” that focused attention on the work of a supposedly “non-communist” government while in the hothouse conditions of military occupation Moscow undermined the state’s independent institutions and introduced a revolution from above.
Gorbachev's Failure in Lithuania
The world watched first in fascination, then in horror, and eventually in amazement. From 11 to 14 January 1990, Mikhail Gorbachev went to Lithuania to persuade the leaders of that rebel Soviet republic to remain within the traditional Soviet system; from 11 to 13 January 1991, Soviet troops killed unarmed civilians in Vilnius in an effort to persuade the people of Lithuania to overthrow their leaders; then, in September 1991 Gorbachev, presiding over the collapse of the Soviet Union, recognized Lithuanian independence. It was Lithuania, above all, that demonstrated to the world the empire's bankruptcy. The book takes the reader into the maelstrom of politics in three different capitals during the period 1988-91. In Vilnius Lithuanians surged forward in what they called their 'national rebirth'; in Moscow Gorbachev struggled to maintain his position in a crumbling empire; and in Washington the administration doggedly supported Gorbachev as the foundation of its East European policy. In the end the Lithuanians, in a remarkable display of peaceful, non-violent resistance, were the only ones to achieve their ambitions.
The Emergence of Modern Lithuania
Reviews the emergence of Lithuania as a state after the fall of the Russian Empire, focusing on Lithuanian nationalism, the initial lack of army and administration, and the acceptance of the state's independence by the rest of the world.
Power, Politics, and the Olympic Games
Traces the history of the modern Olympic games, and looks at boycotts, performance enhancing drugs, judging controversies, corporate sponsorships, and international rivalries
Lithuania in the 1920s
Robert W. Heingartner kept this diary during his two year service as American consul in Kaunas, the provisional capital of Lithuania, 1926-1928. First titling the work “Impressions of Kaunas,” he wanted to record all his impressions of this small city about which he actually knew very little. He started with negative impressions, but he soon came to like it. He watched its growth with considerable sympathy. The diary’s appeal lies in its picture of daily life in Kaunas as the “provisional capital” of a newly independent small state – the conditions of life in the city, the social life of the diplomats, and backstage episodes in the life of the foreign diplomats. The diary records some unusual details about the family of Antanas Smetona, the ruler of Lithuania from 1926 to 1940, and it abounds in interesting commentary on the attitudes of both Lithuanians and foreigners.
Antanas Smetona and His Lithuania
This biographical overview of the life of Antanas Smetona (1874-1944), his importance in the Lithuanian national movement, his central role in the emergence of modern Lithuania (1918-1920), and the development of the various groups of nationalists in Lithuania, offers a picture of the creation of a national state in XXth century Europe. Twice the president of Lithuania (1919-20 and 1926-40), the authoritarian ruler of the state from 1926-1940, Smetona established his role as a capable and needed politician in Lithuania’s political life, a middle person between the political left and right. The study characterizes Smetona’s closest and most important associates, who helped him to formulate legislation for his model of presidential regime, the nationalistic ideology, and the development of national economy. Despite its authoritarian tendencies Smetona’s rule surprisingly continued to be for many Lithuanians a symbol of Lithuanian independence and national freedom through the years of Soviet occupation.
Lithuania awakening
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Lenin Lives!
Was the deification of Lenin a show of spontaneous affection, or a planned political operation designed to solidify the revolution with the masses? This book aims to provide the answer. Exploring the cults mystical, historical, and political aspects, the book attempts to demonstrate the galvanizing power of ritual in the establishment of the postrevolutionary regime. In a new section the author includes the fall of the Soviet Union and Russia's new democracy.
War, Revolution, and Nation-making in Lithuania, 1914-1923
In this book, Tomas Balkelis explores how the Lithuanian state was created and shaped by the Great War from its onset in 1914 to the last waves of violence in 1923. As the very notion of independent Lithuania was constructed during the war, violence is seen as an essential part of the formation of Lithuanian state, nation, and identity. War was much more than simply the historical context in which the tectonic shift from empire to nation-state took place. It transformed people, policies, institutions, and modes of thought in ways that would continue to shape the nation for decades after the conflict subsided. In telling the story of the post-WWI conflict in Lithuania, War, Revolution, and Na...
Loyalty, Dissent, and Betrayal
Loyalty and betrayal are among key concepts of the ethic of nationalism. Marriage of state and culture, which seems the essence of the congruence between political power structure and collective identity, usually offers a simple explanation of loyalty and dissent. Loyalty is seen as once-and-for-all commitment of the individual to his or her nation, whereas betrayal is identified as a failure to commit him or herself to a common cause or as a diversion from the object of political loyalty and cultural/linguistic fidelity. For conservative or radical nationalists, even social and cultural critique of one’s people and state can be regarded as treason, whereas for their liberal counterparts i...
