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The Berlin council movement of 1919–20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. The movement combined an impressive mass mobilisation with extensive socialist and democratic aspirations that pointed far beyond the Weimar order. Berlin was not just the centre of the November Revolution of 1918, but also the most important arena of the Second Revolution that followed. For the first time, the movement is analysed here in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources. Beside the workers' and factory councils, it also includes councils of students, women, the unemployed and intellectuals. Central events such as the 1919 general strike and the struggle against the Kapp Putsch of 1920 are also examined.
The Berlin council movement of 1919-20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. Here, the movement is systematically analysed for the first time in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources.
The Berlin council movement of 1919-20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. The movement combined an impressive mass mobilisation with extensive socialist and democratic aspirations that pointed far beyond the Weimar order. Berlin was not just the centre of the November Revolution of 1918, but also the most important arena of the Second Revolution that followed. For the first time, that movement is analysed here in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources. Beside the workers' and factory councils, it also includes councils of students, women, the unemployed and intellectuals. Central events such as the 1919 general strike and the struggle against the Kapp Putsch of 1920 are also examined, providing a bird's eye view of the movement as a whole.
The German council movements brought down the German monarchy, founded several short-lived council republics and dramatically transformed European politics. This book reconstructs how participants in the German council movements struggled for a democratic socialist society.
"The past decades witnessed a powerful return of struggles against what economic historian Karl Polanyi termed the commodification of social life. This book explores how organized workers in two metropolises of the late nineteenth century responded to the commodification of labor. In doing so, it reveals a striking continuity in collective opposition against the unfettered power of free markets. Drawing on contemporary feminist revisions of Polanyian thought, this book illustrates the ambiguous potential of movements for social protection"--Back cover.
This book scrutinizes the events of 1919 from below: the global underside of the Wilsonian moment. During 1919 the Great Powers redrew the map of the world with the Treaties of Paris and established the League of Nations intending to prevent future war. Yet what is often missed is that 1919 was a complex threshold between war and peace contested on a global scale. This process began prior to war's end with mutinies, labour and consumer unrest, colonial revolt but reached a high point in 1919. Most obviously, the Russian Revolutions of 1917 continued into 1919 which signalled a decisive year for the Bolshevik regime. While the leaders of the Great Powers famously drew up new states in their P...
Walter Benjamin derided Werner Scholem as a ‘rogue’ in 1924. Josef Stalin referred him as a ‘splendid man’, but soon backtracked and labeled him an ‘imbecile’, while Ernst Thälmann, chairman of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), warned his followers against the dangers of ‘Scholemism’. For the philosopher and historian Gershom Scholem, however, Werner was first and foremost his older brother. The life of German-Jewish Communist Werner Scholem (1895–1940) had many facets. Werner and Gerhard, later Gershom, rebelled together against their authoritarian father and the atmosphere of national chauvinism engulfing Germany during World War I. After inspiring his younger brothe...
This book proposes a radical transformation of labour institutions, in order to lay the foundation for the democratization of society rather than capitalist accumulation. Using an empirical analysis of the contemporary world of work, Alexis Cukier examines the democratic meaning of today’s critique of work organization and questions the theoretical models (linked to class struggles and to industrial democracy) to conceive of a "democratic work." Considering particular historical experiments (such as cooperatives, self-management, worker’s councils) that try to realize democracy at work, this book also analyzes the political issue of "democratic work" in relation to issues such as labour law, feminist struggles and political ecology. Ultimately, this book proposes some institutional paths that could overtake the divide between the rights of the citizens and the rights of the workers, arguing finally: if we really want to radicalize democracy, we should begin with democratizing work.
This edited collection offers a timely and original perspective on the many upheavals and revolutions that broke out across the world during the earlytwentieth century. With previous research tending to confine revolutions within national borders, this book sets out to place them within a broader global sphere of thought and action. The authors explore the time phase between the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Asturian Revolution of 1934, including cases from South Africa, Australia, China, the Middle East and Latin America. Providing insights from leading scholars in the field, this collection highlights the interconnectedness and transnationalism of upheavals and revolutions, offering a new approach which integrates political, social and cultural history. Chapter 8 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via Link.springer.com
How did millions of middle-class Germans come to support extreme nationalist and anti-democratic groups during the Weimar Republic? This troubling and pointedly argued book addresses this question through a targeted case study of Hof, a small Bavarian town, in the five years after the First World War. During this tumultuous period, a series of devastating crises and violent confrontations discredited the representatives of democratic liberalism and handed the initiative to a reinvigorated radical Right. Crucially, these crises were understood by Hof’s inhabitants as part of a broader “European Civil War” unleashed by the Russian Revolution and Treaty of Versailles. This detailed and disturbing study will be read with profit by students and scholars of modern history who seek new insights into the rise of the Nazis, and into the processes of popular radicalisation that did so much to bring about the destruction of the Weimar Republic.