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In the second half of the 19th century visions of an infrastructurally integrated imperial space captivated the minds of Russian administrators and businessmen. Infrastructural integration promised to unravel the economic and political potential of the Russian Empire but it also revealed its administrative weakness. The book explores the challenges the Tsarist administration faced in harmonizing the multitudinous regional economic regimes in its vast landed empire. It analyzes conflicting logics towards the imperial space and demonstrates how the modern project of an infrastructurally integrated space limited the leeway in resorting to imperial administrative practices and accelerated the "nationalization" of the Russian Empire's economic space.
The Ukrainian Euromaidan in 2013–14 and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the Eastern part of the country have posed new questions to historians. The volume investigates the relevance of the cults of the fallen soldiers to Ukraine's national history and state. It places the dead of the Euromaidan and the forms and functions of the emerging new cult of the dead in the context of older cults from pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet times from various Ukrainian regions until the end of the presidency of Petro Poroshenko in 2019. The contributions emphasize the importance of the grassroot level, of local and regional actors or memory entrepreneurs, myths of state origin and national defense demanding unity, and the dynamics of commemorative practices in the last thirty years in relation to pluralist and fragmented processes of nationand state-building. They contribute to new conceptualizations of the political cult of the dead.
Die Studie bewegt sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen Autobiografie- und Imperienforschung. Sie fragt nach der kohäsiven Wirkung von Diskursen imperialer Selbstbeschreibung. Hierzu untersucht sie Memoiren, Teilnahme-, Reiseberichte der russischen Expansion in das südliche Zentralasien nach 1860. Deren Autoren wirkten als Militärs, Beamte oder Wissenschaftler an der Eroberung und Erforschung des späteren Generalgouvernements Turkestan mit. Der Verschiedenartigkeit der Quellen begegnet die Studie mit dem Konzept der "autobiografischen Praktiken". Sie versteht diese als Werkzeuge einer bestimmten Selbstkonzeption. Die Analyse zeigt, wie russländische Akteure in Turkestan durch die variantenreiche Ausgestaltung vorhandener Erzählweisen eigenständige Formen autobiografischen Erzählens entwickelten. Über 60 Jahre verwoben sie ihre persönlichen Heldengeschichten eng mit dem Imperium. So trugen sie zu dessen Erfolgserzählung in Turkestan bei und wirkten an dessen diskursiver Stabilisierung mit.
Red Money for the Global South explores the relationship of the East with the “new” South after decolonization, with a particular focus on the economic motives of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and other parties that were all striving for mutual cooperation. During the Cold War, the CMEA served as a forum for discussions on common policy initiatives inside the so-called “Eastern Bloc” and for international interactions. This text analyzes the economic relationship of the East with the “new” South through three main research questions. Firstly, what was the motivation for cooperation? Secondly, what insights can be derived from CMEA negotiations about intrabloc and East‒South relations alike? And finally, which mutual dependencies between East and South developed over time? The combination of analytical narrative and engagement with primary archival material from former CMEA states, and India as the most prestigious among the former European colonies, makes this text essential reading for students and instructors of Cold War history, Economic History, and international relations more generally.
***Angaben zur beteiligten Person Depkat: Studium der Geschichte, Germanistik und Anglistik an den Universitäten Bonn, Eugene (Oregon, USA) und Göttingen.
In diesem Buch befasst sich Anton Liavitski mit der Geschichte des politischen Denkens in Weißrussland zur Zeit des Übergangs des Landes zu einem autoritären Regime. Die Perestroika ermutigte verschiedene gesellschaftliche Akteure über Wandel und Reformen nachzudenken. Der Konsens, den Sozialismus zu reformieren, stammte noch aus dem alten sowjetischen Diskurs. Die Reformer nutzten bekannte Kategorien, füllten sie aber mit neuen, "liberalen" Bedeutungen. Auf diese Weise formte sich eine politische Sprache, die sowjetische Vorstellungen über Selbst, Handlungsmacht und Geschichte mit neoklassischer Wirtschaftslehre zu verbinden wusste. Thematisch hob sie insbesondere die Rolle von Individualismus, Märkten und objektiven Wirtschaftsgesetzen hervor. Diese eigenständige, innovative Sprache der Perestroika drang dann in neue Bereiche ein, passte sich jeweils an die Umstände an und löste sich schließlich in einer konservativen Gegenreaktion auf, die Alexander Lukaschenko verkörperte.
In the second half of the 19th century visions of an infrastructurally integrated imperial space captivated the minds of Russian administrators and businessmen. Infrastructural integration promised to unravel the economic and political potential of the Russian Empire but it also revealed its administrative weakness. The book explores the challenges the Tsarist administration faced in harmonizing the multitudinous regional economic regimes in its vast landed empire. It analyzes conflicting logics towards the imperial space and demonstrates how the modern project of an infrastructurally integrated space limited the leeway in resorting to imperial administrative practices and accelerated the "nationalization" of the Russian Empire's economic space.
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A key question for the contemporary world: What is Putin’s ideology? This book analyses this ideology, which it terms “Putinism”. It examines a range of factors that feed into the ideology – conservative thought in Russia from the nineteenth century onwards, Russian and Soviet history and their memorialisation, Russian Orthodox religion and its political connections, a focus on traditional values, and Russia’s sense of itself as a unique civilisation, different from the West and due a special, respected place in the world. The book highlights that although the resulting ideology lacks coherence and universalism comparable to that of Soviet-era Marxism-Leninism, it is nevertheless effective in aligning the population to the regime and is flexible and applicable in different circumstances. And that therefore it is not attached to Putin as a person, is likely to outlive him, and is potentially appealing elsewhere in the world outside Russia, especially to countries that feel belittled by the West and let down by the West’s failure to resolve problems of global injustice and inequality.