You may have to Search all our reviewed books and magazines, click the sign up button below to create a free account.
This collection of essays focuses Britain's role in global affairs since the Second World War. The essays cover a broad field, from relations with Japan and China, through European and African developments, to defence planning in Whitehall.
An authoritative history of the Greek Civil War and its profound influence on American foreign policy and the post–Second World War period In his comprehensive history André Gerolymatos demonstrates how the Greek Civil War played a pivotal role in the shaping of policy and politics in post–Second World War Europe and America and was a key starting point of the Cold War. Based in part on recently declassified documents from Greece, the United States, and the British Intelligence Services, this masterful study sheds new light on the aftershocks that have rocked Greece in the seven decades following the end of the bitter hostilities.
This book addresses the interface of the British Foreign Office, foreign policy and commerce in the twentieth century. Two related questions are considered: what did the Foreign Office do to support British commerce, and how did commerce influence British foreign policy? The editors of this work collect a range of case studies that explore the attitude of the Foreign Office towards commerce and trade promotion, against the backdrop of a century of relative economic decline, while also considering the role of British diplomats in creating markets and supporting UK firms. This highly researched and detailed examination is designed for readers aiming to comprehend the role that commerce played in Britain’s foreign relations, in a century when trade and commerce have become an inseparable element in foreign and security policies.
This book examines the international dimensions of the Greek military dictatorship of 1967 to 1974 and uses it as a case study to evaluate the major shifts occurring in the international system during a period of rapid change. The policies of the major nation-states in both East and West were determined by realistic Cold War considerations. At the same time, the Greek junta, a profoundly anti-modernist force, failed to cope with an evolving international agenda and the movement towards international cooperation. Denouncing it became a rallying point both for international organizations and for human rights activists, and it enabled the EEC to underscore the notion that democracy was an integ...
This issue of zeitgeschichte off ers a comprehensive survey of aspects of Yugoslav foreign policy during Cold War détente. Due to its geostrategic location on the Balkan peninsula, Yugoslavia became an important focus for the U.S.S.R. and the United States during the East–West confl ict. After the break with Stalin in 1948, the Yugoslav "leader" Tito sought to position Yugoslavia as a non-aligned state on the international level and played a hegemonic role in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The articles analyze Yugoslav policy in the 1960s and 1970s, examining its intentions, its developments, its strategic advantages, and its limits in the context of (geo-)political, economic, and cultural circumstances, with a focus on non-alignment as a leitmotiv of Yugoslav political ambitions, political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and countries of the NAM, the role of the Balkans in U.S. Cold War policy, and aspects of Yugoslav labor migration.
Developing a knowledge of the Spanish-Italian connection between right-wing extremist groups is crucial to any detailed understanding of the history of fascism. Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century allows us to consider the global fascist network that built up over the course of the 20th century by exploring one of the significant links that existed within that network. It distinguishes and analyses the relationship between the fascists of Spain and Italy at three interrelated levels - that of the individual, political organisations and the state - whilst examining the world relations and contacts of both fascist factions, from Buenos Aires to Washington and Berlin to Montevideo, in what is a genuinely transnational history of the fascist movement. Incorporating research carried out in archives around the world, this book delivers key insights to further the historical study of right-wing political violence in modern Europe.
This book is the first comprehensive study of the setting up and early development of the NATO Committee on the Challenges of Modern Society (CCMS), or the alliance’s environmental programme. This expansion of allied cooperation is an interesting indicator of transatlantic relations during an era of transition and under the impact of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s diplomacy. The book discusses intra-NATO politics, the projects of the early years and the participation in CCMS projects of non-NATO countries – an unusual feature in the activity of a military alliance. Environmental cooperation in NATO was part of the changes which scientific cooperation was effecting in the international system during the entry into the post-industrial era. The making of the CCMS is the story of a crisis of adjustment to the new era, of hiccups in transatlantic relationships, but ultimately also a story of transatlantic unity. The book will be of much interest to students of NATO, the Cold War, international and environmental history, history of science and international relations.
This book explores the post-war Greco-German relationship and asks how this relationship fits into, and changes, the narrative of European integration. The book highlights West Germany’s role in shaping Greece’s development model and argues that Greece's accession to the Community in 1981 had a long back story in the modernization strategies adopted by the two countries as early as the 1950s. The success, not the failure, of those strategies lies at the root of Greece's lingering balance of payments problems: the ever-widening trade deficit with Germany, the country’s main trading partner, was the price of Greek economic growth in the decades following the war. By addressing this three-decade story of uneasy continuity, the book offers new insights into core-periphery relations in Europe, questions the conventional wisdom about Greece’s path to Europe, and challenges the way the so-called North-South divide has been adduced to explain the recent euro crisis. In doing so, the author calls attention to past cooperation between leading political and business circles in Greece and Germany, making this a useful and insightful read for historians and political scientists alike.
Two of the most pressing questions facing international historians today are how and why the Cold War ended. Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War explores how, in the aftermath of the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975, a transnational network of activists committed to human rights in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe made the topic a central element in East-West diplomacy. As a result, human rights eventually became an important element of Cold War diplomacy and a central component of détente. Sarah B. Snyder demonstrates how this network influenced both Western and Eastern governments to pursue policies that fostered the rise of organized dissent in Eastern Europe, freedom of movement for East Germans and improved human rights practices in the Soviet Union - all factors in the end of the Cold War.
Effie G.H. Pedaliu analyzes the British Labour government's contribution to the postwar reconstruction of Italy. The book focuses on five areas: the punishment of war criminality; the reconstruction of the Italian armed forces; the Italian elections of April 1948 and Italy's institutional role in western security arrangements and on European integrative bodies. It reveals that British policy towards Italy was underpinned not only by power politics but also by moral and ideological considerations.