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The book demonstrates the underappreciated extent and political importance of both positive and negative mass partisan attitudes in Brazil.
Voting behavior is informed by the experience of advanced democracies, yet the electoral context in developing democracies is significantly different. Civil society is often weak, poverty and inequality high, political parties ephemeral and attachments to them weak, corruption rampant, and clientelism widespread. Voting decisions in developing democracies follow similar logics to those in advanced democracies in that voters base their choices on group affiliation, issue positions, valence considerations, and campaign persuasion. Yet developing democracies differ in the weight citizens assign to these considerations. Where few social identity groups are politically salient and partisan attachments are sparse, voters may place more weight on issue voting. Where issues are largely absent from political discourse, valence considerations and campaign effects play a larger role. Campaigns and Voters in Developing Democracies develops a theoretical framework to specify why voter behavior differs across contexts.
Evangelical and Catholic groups are transforming Brazilian politics. This book asks why, and what the consequences are for democracy.
"A typical presidential election campaign in Latin America sees between one-third and one-half of all voters changing their vote intentions across party lines in the months before election day-numbers unheard of and rarely seen in older democracies. This book proposes a new theory of Latin American voting behavior, examining how votes are truly up for grabs in democracies where political parties and mass partisanship are not deeply entrenched. The book argues that political discussion among peers causes volatility, and ulimately explains final vote choices. Describing and examining social networks of political discussion, the authors propose that everyday social communication is the hidden a...
Caveolae are 50-100 nm flask-shaped invaginations of the plasma membrane that are primarily composed of cholesterol and sphingolipids. Using modern electron microscopy techniques, caveolae can be observed as omega-shaped invaginations of the plasma membrane, fully-invaginated caveolae, grape-like clusters of interconnected caveolae (caveosome), or as transcellular channels as a consequence of the fusion of individual caveolae. The caveolin gene family consists of three distinct members, namely Cav-1, Cav-2 and Cav-3. Cav-1 and Cav-2 proteins are usually co-expressed and particularly abundant in epithelial, endothelial, and smooth muscle cells as well as adipocytes and fibroblasts. On the other hand, the Cav-3 protein appears to be muscle-specific and is therefore only expressed in smooth, skeletal and cardiac muscles. Caveolin proteins form high molecular weight homo- and/or hetero-oligomers and assume an unusual topology with both their N- and C-terminal domains facing the cytoplasm.
This book is open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO license. The Early Years analyzes the development of Latin American and Caribbean children and makes a compelling case for government intervention in what is instinctively a family affair. Spending on effective programs for young children is an investment that, if done well, will have very high returns, while failure to implement such programs will lower the returns on the hefty investments being made in primary, secondary, and higher education. Policies for young children belong at the core of a country's development agenda, alongside policies to develop infrastructure and strengthen institutions. However, if the services provided (or funded) by governments are to benefit children, they must be substantially better than what is currently being delivered in the region. This book offers suggestions for improving public policy in this critical area.
Conflict economies cannot be approached in isolation but must instead be contextualised socially and historically. These economies did not emerge in vacuum, but are part and parcel of the history of people and place. This book explores the informal and illicit extraction and trade of minerals and other types of natural resources that takes place in the 'borderlands' during periods of conflict. This type of extraction and marketing, often referred to as ‘conflict trade’ depends on a weak state, and works alongside the structures of the state and its officials. The book emphasises that conflicts do not start as competition over natural resources and in turn suggests that the integration of...
This book is the first to provide quantifiable evidence that protest shifts the policy positions of national political leaders for each branch of government. Drawing on daily presidential rhetoric, roll call votes of congressional leaders, and Supreme Court decisions, the book demonstrates that national politicians take cues from minority protest activity that later lead to major shifts in public policy, rivaling the influence that minorities have through elections and public opinion.
While some people debate whether globalization really exists, it proceeds apace, affecting all societies. It presents us with unknown challenges and, as governments start to discuss what to do about these challenges, it is becoming obvious that globalization is not manageable. With globalization the juggernaut of the 21st century, all countries of the world become interdependent in relation to the coming energy crisis, climate change, the sharper cleavages between rich and poor countries and people, and the emergence of a multicultural social structure. This interesting and erudite book adopts a distinctive approach to the multiple dimensions of the globalization debate. The impressive coverage of philosophical thought - including Popper, Weber, Habermas, Lipset and Hobbes - makes a valuable contribution to the debates on globalization.
Why are some communities able to come together to improve their collective lot while others are not? Looking at variation in local government performance in decentralized West Africa, this book advances a novel answer: communities are better able to coordinate around basic service delivery when their formal jurisdictional boundaries overlap with informal social institutions, or norms. This book identifies the precolonial past as the driver of striking subnational variation in the present because these social institutions only encompass the many villages of the local state in areas that were once home to precolonial polities. The book develops and tests a theory of institutional congruence to document how the past shapes contemporary elite approaches to redistribution within the local state. Where precolonial kingdoms left behind collective identities and dense social networks, local elites find it easier to cooperate following decentralization. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.