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Der »Wutbürger«, 2010 zum Wort des Jahres gekürt, hat die Krise demokratischer Repräsentation in Deutschland auf einen Begriff gebracht: Immer mehr Bürger äußern Misstrauen gegenüber der etablierten Politik. Bei einer Betrachtung dieser Krise und ihrer Ursachen sind die Vorstellungen der Bürger von einer guten und gerechten Organisation von Politik, Wirtschaft und Staat zentral. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit den Protagonisten der neuen Bürgerproteste - jenen Akteuren also, die ihren Glauben an die Funktionsfähigkeit unserer Demokratie eingebüßt haben: Wer sind sie, was fordern sie und welche Demokratie schwebt ihnen vor?
The Social-Democratic parties of Europe are in decline, a diagnosis missed by no one today. Support for this opinion comes from many directions – from their loss of votes in recent elections to a growing lack of party members to the apparent failure of party heads to react adequately to these very developments. When reading reports both in the standard press and in scientific circles, however, the impression arises that this downturn is irreversible and must be accepted as such.But that is just the question. The Social-Democratic parties have experienced similar things in the past and have survived to the present day. And perhaps, slowly, new perspectives are on the horizon that will form the basis for a resurrection of old strengths: new models for coalitions with other parties, the revitalisation of membership rolls, better internal choice of candidates and policies, a welcoming of newcomers from other parties and a general openness toward new ideas. Experiments are now being launched with these means – and are showing first positive results.
The functioning of representative democracy crucially depends on political parties that mediate between citizens and the state. It is widely doubted, however, that contemporary parties can still perform this connective role. Taking seriously the ensuing challenges for representative democracy, Rethinking Party Reform advances a normative account of party reform, drawing on both democratic theory and political science scholarship on parties. Moving beyond purely descriptive or causal-analytical perspectives on party reform, the book clarifies on theoretical grounds why party reform is centrally important for the sustainability of established democracies, and what effective party reforms could look like in an age where most citizens look to parties with scepticism and distrust. In doing so, this book underlines in distinctive fashion why scholars and citizens should care about re-inventing and transforming political parties, resisting widespread tendencies of either declaring parties unreformable or theorising them out of the picture.
Nahezu alle Annahmen über tradierte gesellschaftliche Bindungen und parteipolitische Lager, die 1998 noch zu gelten schienen, veränderten sich in den letzten zehn Jahren grundlegend. Die meisten Parteien haben sich binnen dieser Dekade von zuvor noch konstitutiven Programmaussagen getrennt. Innerhalb der Wählerschaft entstanden neue Muster politischer Präferenzen. Das Bildungsbürgertum steht nicht mehrheitlich rechts, die Arbeiterschaft wählt nicht unbedingt links. Geändert hat sich überdies der Stil der politischen Eliten in der alternden deutschen Gesellschaft. Und mitten im Wandel sind die Bündniskonstellationen einer komplex gewordenen Regierungsbildung des neuen Vielparteiensystems. Durch den Zwang zur Koalitionsfähigkeit nach mehreren Seiten nähern sich die Parteien im Zentrum weiter an, schleifen im Gerangel um die Mitte Unterschiede weiter ab – und nähren gerade dadurch den Bedarf nach einer Politik der abgrenzenden Deutlichkeit, der scharfen Differenz. Deutsche Politik im Patt und im Umbruch – davon handelt dieser neue Band aus der „Göttinger Parteienforschung“.
The proletariat never existed—but it had a profound effect on modern German culture and society. As the most radicalized part of the industrial working class, the proletariat embodied the critique of capitalism and the promise of socialism. But as a collective imaginary, the proletariat also inspired the fantasies, desires, and attachments necessary for transforming the working class into a historical subject and an emotional community. This book reconstructs this complicated and contradictory process through the countless treatises, essays, memoirs, novels, poems, songs, plays, paintings, photographs, and films produced in the name of the proletariat. The Proletarian Dream reads these for...
"Living Right offers an in-depth examination of far-right youth movements in Poland, Italy, and Hungary. The protagonists include students and young entrepreneurs, former skinheads, construction workers, bohemian musicians, and rich kids from the upper class who have all found a nurturing community in far-right groups. While they focus on local action, they are also part of a broader project with global ramifications. Agnieszka Pasieka engages in intensive fieldwork in these communities, particularly among members of the far-right Polish movement "National Radical Camp" (ONR), the Italian neofascist movement Lealtà Azione ("Loyalty Action, " or LA) and the FedeRazione ("Federation"), which ...
This book provides an innovative analysis and interpretation of the overall trajectory of the Western European radical left from 1989 to 2015. After the collapse of really existing communism, this party family renewed itself and embarked on a recovery path, seeking to fill the vacuum of representation of disaffected working-class and welfarist constituencies created by the progressive neoliberalisation of European societies. The radical left thus emerged as a significant factor of contemporary political life but, despite some electoral gains and a few recent breakthroughs (SYRIZA in Greece, PODEMOS in Spain), it altogether failed to embody a credible alternative to neoliberalism and to pave ...
The present work deals not only with the well-organized right extremism in modern Europe as well as with its function in proper political parties, but equally includes two additional, broader approaches: the militant branches and subcultures that exist, including some paramilitary phenomena in Eastern Europe; and the broad realm of their political ideas and cultural trends and the influence they exert on European political culture.
The ‘Liberal World Order’ (LWO) is today in crisis. But what explains this crisis? Whereas its critics see it as the unmasking of Western hypocrisy, its longstanding proponents argue it is under threat by competing illiberal projects. This book takes a different stance: neither internal hypocrisy, nor external attacks explain the decline of the LWO – a deviation from its original lane does. Emerged as a project aiming to harmonize state sovereignty and the market, through the promotion of liberal democracy domestically, and free trade and economic cooperation internationally, the LWO was hijacked in the 1980s: market forces overshadowed democratic forces, thus disfiguring the LWO into a Neoliberal Global Order. The book advocates for a revival of its original intellectual premises, that in the aftermath of World War II marked the zenith of political modernity.