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This volume explains the genesis and development of the nexus between radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans, how they have learnt from each other historically, and how they have utilised this relationship, at times, to their benefit. From medieval tales of shared origins to the violent conflicts largely wrought by ETA and the IRA, the Basque Country and Ireland have long been associated in popular imagination. Despite this, little is known of historical Basque-Irish relations and, in particular, the web of party-political, military and social movement connections between radical Basque nationalists and Irish republicans since the Irish Revolutionary Period (1916–23). Drawing on...
This edited collection explores the ways in which the 2008/2009 social and economic crisis in Southern Europe affected the interpretation of the transitional past in Spain, Greece and Portugal. Discussing topics such as public memory, Europeanism and uses of the past by grassroots movements, the volume showcases how the crisis challenged consolidated perceptions of the transitions as ‘success stories’. It revisits the dominant historical narratives around Southern European transitions to democracy more than forty years since the demise of authoritarian regimes, bringing together contributors from history, cultural studies, political science and sociology.
This important collection of Spanish fascist writing makes it possible for the first time to fully incorporate Spain into the global history of fascism.
This book reveals the development, strategy and extraordinary success of Britains secret services in Francos Spain during the Second World War. The main claim of this study is that British pressure, exercised above all through their intelligence services, led Franco to distance himself from the Axis cause and eventually embrace that of the Allies. Starting from a virtually non-existent base, the British rapidly built up a complex intelligence network in Spain that stretched from Corunna to Barcelona and from Bilbao to Gibraltar. As Spain was a non-belligerent, spy networks including those of the Germans, Italians, Portuguese and British proliferated in the Iberian Peninsula. Double-agents ab...
The fascinating history of how the antifascist movement of the 1930s created "the left" as we know it today In the middle years of the Great Depression, the antifascist movement became a global political force, powerfully uniting people from across divisions of ideology, geography, race, language, and nationality. Joseph Fronczak shows how socialists, liberals, communists, anarchists, and others achieved a semblance of unity in the fight against fascism. Depression-era antifascists were populist, militant, and internationalist. They understood fascism in global terms, and they were determined to fight it on local terms. In the United States, antifascists fought against fascism on the streets of cities such as Chicago and New York, and they connected their own fights to the ones raging in Germany, Italy, and Spain. As he traces the global trajectory of the antifascist movement, Fronczak argues that its most significant legacy is its creation of "the left" as we know it today: an international conglomeration of people committed to a shared politics of solidarity.
Im Juni 2011 fand die erste Konferenz des Reformation Research Consortium (RefoRC) am Institut für Schweizerische Reformgeschichte an der Theologischen Fakultät Zürich statt. Der Titel »Mythos der Reformation« ermutigte kritische Perspektiven auf herkömmliche Vorstellungen über die Reformation des 16. Jahrhunderts. Peter Opitz bietet eine Auswahl von dort gehaltenen Vorträgen und versammelt facettenreiche Aspekte und Perspektiven zur Thematik. Dadurch gelingt es Opitz zumindest einen Mythos zu widerlegen, nämlich dass die Reformationszeit eine langweilige Periode war, in der es nicht viel mehr außer den herkömmlichen Mythen zu entdecken gäbe.
This book explores the history and legacy of monuments to the fallen from the Francoist side in the Spanish Civil War. Del Arco Blanco studies thousands of monuments in towns and cities across Spain to provide a detailed account of the history and memory of the civil war, Francoism, and the transition to democracy. Chapters in the book focus on the myth of those said to have 'fallen for God and for Spain'—a phrase that encapsulated and shaped the dichotomy between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Spaniards. They also focus on the use of monuments to control political and ideological ideals and to legitimise the Francoist dictatorship. Further chapters study Spanish society’s struggle to deal wit...
A Revolution for Our Rights is a critical reassessment of the causes and significance of the Bolivian Revolution of 1952. Historians have tended to view the revolution as the result of class-based movements that accompanied the rise of peasant leagues, mineworker unions, and reformist political projects in the 1930s. Laura Gotkowitz argues that the revolution had deeper roots in the indigenous struggles for land and justice that swept through Bolivia during the first half of the twentieth century. Challenging conventional wisdom, she demonstrates that rural indigenous activists fundamentally reshaped the military populist projects of the 1930s and 1940s. In so doing, she chronicles a hidden ...
This book analyses the evolving nature of democratic threats and identifies strategies necessary to safeguard democratic governance in an increasingly turbulent political environment. It explores how democratic systems in Europe have faced, and continue to face, threats from various entities that exhibit essential characteristics of being enemies of democracy, including fascism, Nazism, authoritarianism, and modern forms of populism and external interference. Through detailed case studies, the book examines the tactics used by enemies of democracy to undermine the sovereignty of political nations, from the rise of totalitarian regimes in the twentieth century to contemporary challenges like ...
This edited collection presents new research on how the Great War and its aftermath shaped political thought in the interwar period across Europe. Assessing the major players of the war as well as more peripheral cases, the contributors challenge previous interpretations of the relationship between veterans and fascism, and provide new perspectives on how veterans tried to promote a new political and social order. Those who had frontline experience of the First World War committed themselves to constructing a new political and social order in war-torn Europe, shaped by their experience of the war and its aftermath. A number of them gave voice to the need for a world order free from political and social conflict, and all over Europe veterans imagined a third way between capitalist liberalism and state-controlled socialism. By doing so, many of them moved towards emerging fascist movements and became, in some case unwillingly, the heralds of totalitarian dictatorships.