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The annual publication Antisemitism Worldwide is compiled by the Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism at Tel Aviv University. Unique in scope, structure, and variety of sources, this volume is an analysis of antisemitism in 2000 and early 2001. It includes scholarly articles and book reviews as well as country-by-country surveys. In 2000, the number of major violent acts of antisemitism more than doubled from 1999, and other acts of violence increased by over 50 percent. Antisemitism Worldwide is based on information systematically collected by the institute throughout the world in many languages, then summarized and computerized in its database in English. The source materials come from individuals and institutes, all forms of media, ministries, and committees, as well as Jewish communities and organizations.
Contains contributions by experts that discuss the significant issues and events of 2007 in each of the Southeast Asian nations and the region as a whole.
Some of the most crucial changes inspired by Gorbachev and perestroika concern Soviet and East European policies toward Third World countries. Despite countless studies of Soviet-U.S. relations and U.S. relations with the Third World, the area of Soviet relations with the Third World has been left relatively undeveloped. This is the first of several volumes intended to add to our knowledge of what the series editor Jiri Valenta characterizes as East/South relations. In this new era of cooperation and diplomacy, the superpowers are working to resolve regional conflicts in and around Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Angola, and Cambodia. Such efforts are exceedingly complex, since they necessarily invo...
Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu examine the relationship between religion and politics in ten former communist Eastern European countries, showing church-state relations in the new EU member states through study of political representation for church leaders, governmental subsidies, registration of religions by the state, and religious instruction in public schools.
During the early part of this decade, many individuals, both policy makers and scholars, wondered about the "new look" of some communist parties as they billed themselves as potential participants in the pluralistic game of politics in many parts of the world. This image was certainly different from the old notion of dedicated revolutionaries who scornfully rejected the existing order and plotted its overflow. How genuine was the new look? Were the communists sincere when they discussed interaction with other elements of political order in which they operated? What were their tactical policies in pursuit of these strategic goals? Some of us began to examine these questions more systematically. We ran a panel at an academic conference, enjoyed the feedback from our colleagues, and began the process of writing this book. Now, several years later, it is a finished product, after many full-scale revisions and updates. The topic is still very relevant, and that shows the enduring importance of the questions asked a number of years ago. Scholars will need to return to this question in the future; perhaps the best strategy is a continuous examination of this crucial subject.
Orthodox Churches, like most religious bodies, are inherently political: they seek to defend their core values and must engage in politics to do so, whether by promoting certain legislation or seeking to block other legislation. This volume examines the politics of Orthodox Churches in Southeastern Europe, emphasizing three key modes of resistance to the influence of (Western) liberal values: Nationalism (presenting themselves as protectors of the national being), Conservatism (defending traditional values such as the “traditional family”), and Intolerance (of both non-Orthodox faiths and sexual minorities). The chapters in this volume present case studies of all the Orthodox Churches of the region.
This book presents a comprehensive analysis of India’s relationship with the Southeast Asian nations in the context of the changing dynamics of international relations and the emergence of Indo-Pacific as the theatre of world politics. It covers a wide range of themes, from strategic to political, economic, diplomatic and security aspects, and assesses how India’s redefining of its role in world politics unfolds through its posture towards the Southeast Asian region. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of Asian studies, both South Asian and Southeast Asian studies, and politics and international relations. It will also be useful for public policy analysts and think tanks and policymakers.
Gorbachev’s Gamble offers a new and more convincing answer to this question by providing the missing link between the internal and external aspects of Gorbachev’s perestroika. Andrei Grachev shows that the radical transformation of Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev years was an integral part of an ambitious project of internal democratic reform and of the historic opening of Soviet society to the outside world. Grachev explains the motives and the intentions of the initiators of this project and describes their hopes and their illusions. He recounts the story of the internal debates and struggles in the Kremlin and behind-the-scene decisions that led to the Soviet withdrawal fro...
Nationalism and globalization are two major contradicting forces in the world today. The roles that these two forces play and the impact of globalization on countries differ. Both Western and Asian "nation-states" have faced the challenge of globalization in recent decades, and the challenge has become more intense since the 1990s. The decline of communism and socialism as ideologies, and the decreasing importance of national boundaries for capital, companies and even labour, have had profound implications for national identity. Thus, the impact of globalization on "nation-states" is not identical. How have "nation-states" coped with globalization? Has it led to stronger nationalism or natio...
An exploration and survey of the activities of right-wing extremist parties in the region stretching from Germany to Russia. It seeks to show that radical right activities can have pernicious effects even if right-wing extremists do not themselves succeed in obtaining seats in government.