You may have to Search all our reviewed books and magazines, click the sign up button below to create a free account.
This is the first book to portray the history of the Russian secret police - the so-called 'Okhrana' - its personnel, world view and interaction with both government and people during the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II. The secret police harassed, infiltrated and subverted Russian radical and progressive society as it struggled to preserve Tsardom's traditional political culture in the face of Russia's rapid socio-economic transformation - a transformation which the forces of order scarcely understood, yet deeply despised.
The unprecedented scope and intensity of the First World War has prompted an enormous body of retrospective scholarship. However, efforts to provide a coherent synthesis about the war's impact and significance have remained circumscribed, tending to focus either on the operational outlines of military strategy and tactics or on the cultural legacy of the conflict as transmitted bythe war's most articulate observers. This volume departs from traditional accounts on several scores: by exploring issues barely touched upon in previous works, by deviating from the widespread tendency to treat the experiences of front and homefront isolation, and by employing a thematic treatment that, by considering the construction of authority and identity between 1914 and 1918, illuminates the fundamental question of how individuals, whether in uniform or not, endured the war's intrusion into so many aspects of their public and private lives.
In 1883, the Russian police established the Foreign Agentura in Paris. The bureau's brief: to forewarn Tsardom of terrorist plans and, if possible, to defuse acts of terrorism against high personages by revolutionaries operating under European sanctuary. As the revolutionary emigration expanded, the Foreign Agentura reacted by spreading its tentacles across Europe and England. With the help of their European colleagues, the Tsar's agents tackled and drove back this terrorist force, proving themselves invaluable in the evolution of political policing.
This book is new in every aspect and not only because neither the official history nor an unofficial history of the KGB, and its many predecessors and successors, exists in any language. In this volume, the author deals with the origins of the KGB from the Tsarist Okhrana (the first Russians secret political police) to the OGPU, Joint State Political Directorate, one of the KGB predecessors between 1923 and 1934. Based on documents from the Russian archives, the author clearly demonstrates that the Cheka and GPU/OPGU were initially created to defend the revolution and not for espionage. The Okhrana operated in both the Russian Empire and abroad against the revolutionaries and most of its ope...
A state's ability to maintain mandatory conscription and wage war rests on the idea that a "real man" is one who has served in the military. Yet masculinity has no inherent ties to militarism. The link between men and the military, argues Maya Eichler, must be produced and reproduced in order to fill the ranks, engage in combat, and mobilize the population behind war. In the context of Russia's post-communist transition and the Chechen wars, men's militarization has been challenged and reinforced. Eichler uncovers the challenges by exploring widespread draft evasion and desertion, anti-draft and anti-war activism led by soldiers' mothers, and the general lack of popular support for the Chechen wars. However, the book also identifies channels through which militarized gender identities have been reproduced. Eichler's empirical and theoretical study of masculinities in international relations applies for the first time the concept of "militarized masculinity," developed by feminist IR scholars, to the case of Russia.
In late nineteenth-century Russia, a series of organizations emerged from the nascent radical liberationist movement for the purposes of providing aid to political prisoners and exiles. Those leading these endeavors framed them as a philanthropic exercise that was paradoxically always also political, provocatively appropriating the name and humanitarian mission of the Red Cross for their illicit attempts to assist the enemies of the Tsarist state. These efforts provided a unifying thread to the fractious and fragmented revolutionary movement over years and even decades. The unjustly persecuted political prisoner or exile came to serve as a powerful synecdoche for the tyranny of the autocrati...
Though much has been written about the origins and functions of the Okhrana, how exactly did the Russian security services operate? Who belonged to the organization and who were their quarries? With the publication of this volume, Vartkes Yeghiayan provides readers with a glimpse of the entire apparatus at work. Comprised of more than fifty documents from the Russian archives, the collection he has assembled here finds the imperial security organs in their prime and caught in a struggle that pitted them against the empire's ethnic Armenian subjects, who, though having lived peacefully under Russian rule for a century, found themselves at odds with its domestic policies. The documents reveal not only the work of the Russian law enforcement and legal bodies, but also the tactics employed by their adversaries. It provides a vivid palette on law, politics, revolution and the dynamic environment Russia, Europe, the Middle East and the Armenians occupied in the years leading up to World War I.
In 1903 Tsar Nicholas II issued a decree allowing the confiscation of Armenian Church property, marking the low point in relations between imperial Russia and its Armenian subjects. Yet just over a decade later, Russian Armenians were fully supportive of the Russian war effort. Drawing on previously untouched archival material and a range of secondary sources published in English, French, Russian and Turkish, this is the first English-language study of this drastic change in relations in the Caucasus. Onur Onol explains how and why the shift took place by looking in detail at the imperial Russian authorities and their relationship with the three pillars of the Russian Armenian community: the...
None
Næsten 200. Så mange stater er der i verden. Der er mange slags - lige fra velfærdsstater til fejlslagne stater og diktaturer. Men fælles for alle stater er, at deres historie, tilblivelse og udvikling kan opsummeres af tre små ord: magt, vold og politik. De tre ord udgør kernen i enhver stat. For staten vil bestemme, hvordan vi skal opføre os. Den straffer os, hvis vi bryder dens love, og den påstår endda, at dens beslutninger er i fællesskabets interesse. Staten strækker sin tilstedeværelse lige til grænsen og ud i enhver pore af vort sociale liv, samtidig med at den kun kan eksistere, hvis vi tror på den. På den måde er staten blevet vor tids Gud. Allestedsnærværende, men alligevel fjern og fiktiv. Statens idéhistorie. Magt, vold og politik viser tankerne om staten og dens tre uundværlige grundstoffer. Og den trækker en rød tråd gennem en række afgørende fokuspunkter i dens lange og komplekse idéhistorie. For bag borgerkrige og koncentrationslejre, hackere og pirater, liberalisme og konservatisme gemmer der sig altid en kamp for eller imod statens totalitære herredømme.