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First published in 2003. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
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One of the great historians of our age asks: how far can a single leader alter the course of history? The modern era saw the emergence of individuals who had command over a terrifying array of instruments of control, persuasion and death. Whole societies were re-shaped and wars fought, often with a merciless contempt for the most basic norms. At the summit of these societies were leaders whose personalities had somehow given them the ability to do whatever they wished. Ian Kershaw's new book is a compelling, lucid and challenging attempt to understand these rulers, whether operating on the widest stage (Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini) or with a more national impact (Tito, Franco). What was it about these leaders and the times they lived in that allowed them such untrammelled and murderous power? And what brought that era to an end? In a contrasting group of profiles, from Churchill to de Gaulle, Adenauer to Gorbachev, and Thatcher to Kohl, Kershaw uses his exceptional skills to think through how other, strikingly different figures wielded power.
Observing the dramatic shift in world politics since the end of the Cold War, Peter J. Katzenstein argues that regions have become critical to contemporary world politics. This view is in stark contrast to those who focus on the purportedly stubborn persistence of the nation-state or the inevitable march of globalization. In detailed studies of technology and foreign investment, domestic and international security, and cultural diplomacy and popular culture, Katzenstein examines the changing regional dynamics of Europe and Asia, which are linked to the United States through Germany and Japan. Regions, Katzenstein contends, are interacting closely with an American imperium that combines territorial and non-territorial powers. Katzenstein argues that globalization and internationalization create open or porous regions. Regions may provide solutions to the contradictions between states and markets, security and insecurity, nationalism and cosmopolitanism. Embedded in the American imperium, regions are now central to world politics.
This edition brings together analyses, statistics and directory data on the countries and territories of Western Europe.
Sara Nofri combines several research methods (multilingual bibliographic research, quantitative content analysis, semiotic text analysis, interviews to journalists) and a cross-cultural, interdisciplinary perspective for investigating environmental communication in the daily quality press of Germany, Italy, Sweden and UK. She provides an in-depth portrait of the features, the focus, the themes and stakeholders involved, individuates different "cultures of environment" and "cultures of communication", and provides insights and practical tools to analyze and then evaluate environmental communication. The methodological approach of this study can be readily transposed to studies investigating other contexts, cultures and media.
Bilder von Krieg und Nation - das sind die Vorstellungen, die es im bürgerlichen Deutschland zur Zeit der Einigungskriege über das Wechselspiel von militärischer Aktion und nationaler Identität gegeben hat und die sich in einer Vielzahl von textuellen und visuellen Zeugnissen ausgesprochen haben. Diese Zeugnisse demonstrieren, wie stark der Nationsbegriff von militärischen Denkmustern durchdrungen war und wie entschieden das Bild und der Mythos der Einigungskriege die Konzepte für den Aufbau des Nationalstaates und für die nationale Selbstdefinition prägte. Insbesondere der deutsch-französische Krieg von 1870/71 geriet zu einem politischen Mythos, an den sich zentrale soziale Leitideen knüpften: die Idee einer gelungenen Synthese von Führung und Partizipation, die Idee einer Nation, die sich vor allem den Normen des Bürgertums verpflichtet weiß. Im Ergebnis stellt sich der bürgerliche Militarismus des Kaiserreichs in einem veränderten Licht dar. Er war weniger Ausdruck von Untertanengeist, weniger Störfaktor der Modernisierung, als vielmehr selbst moderner Ausdruck einer selbstbewussten Teilhabe der bürgerlichen Schichten am neuen Nationalstaat.
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L’époque contemporaine a vu l'émergence de conflits planétaires. Des sociétés entières ont été bouleversées. À leur tête, des dirigeants capables de galvaniser les foules, qui détenaient un terrifiant éventail d’instruments de contrôle, de propagande et de mort. Le nouveau livre de Ian Kershaw propose une analyse lucide et stimulante des conditions d’émergence de cette toute-puissance, en passant au crible les personnalités et les moyens d’action de ces autocrates, qu'ils agissent sur la scène mondiale (Lénine, Staline, Hitler, Mussolini) ou que leur rôle se cantonne à une échelle plus nationale (Tito, Franco). Qu'est-ce qui, chez ces individus, et à l'époque o...