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This is an account of the Gordon Riots, one of the most violent outbreaks of popular protest in British history. In 1780, Lord George Gordon MP led 50,000 people to present a petition calling for the repeal of the 1778 Roman Catholic Relief Act. The demonstration turned into a riot.
A new and controversial perspective on the causes, personalities and consequences of the most devastating urban riots in British history.
This book, first published in 2000, examines the diversity of protest from 1780 to 1840 and how it altered during this period of extreme change. This textbook covers all forms of protest, including the Gordon Riots of 1780, food riots, Luddism, the radical political reform movement and Peterloo in 1819, and the less well researched anti-enclosure, anti-New Poor Law riots, arson and other forms of 'terroristic' action, up to the advent of Chartism in the 1830s. Archer evaluates the problematic nature of source materials and conflicting interpretations leading to debate, and reviews the historiography and methodology of protest studies. This study of popular protest gives a unique perspective on the social history and conditions of this crucial period and will provide a valuable resource for students and teachers alike.
The rule of law, an ideology of equality and universality that justified Britain's eighteenth-century imperial claims, was the product not of abstract principles but imperial contact. As the Empire expanded, encompassing greater religious, ethnic and racial diversity, the law paradoxically contained and maintained these very differences. This book revisits six notorious incidents that occasioned vigorous debate in London's courtrooms, streets and presses: the Jewish Naturalization Act and the Elizabeth Canning case (1753–54); the Somerset Case (1771–72); the Gordon Riots (1780); the mutinies of 1797; and Union with Ireland (1800). Each of these cases adjudicated the presence of outsiders in London – from Jews and Gypsies to Africans and Catholics. The demands of these internal others to equality before the law drew them into the legal system, challenging longstanding notions of English identity and exposing contradictions in the rule of law.
In the eighteenth century, the Catholics of England lacked many basic freedoms under the law: they could not serve in political office, buy or inherit land, or be married by the rites of their own religion. So virulent was the sentiment against Catholics that, in 1780, violent riots erupted in London—incited by the anti-Papist Lord George Gordon—in response to the Act for Relief that had been passed to loosen some of these restrictions. The Gordon Riots marked a crucial turning point in the fight for Catholic emancipation. Over the next fifty years, factions battled to reform the laws of the land. Kings George III and George IV refused to address the “Catholic Question,” even when pr...
This study of anti-Catholicism in 18th-century England demonstrates that the "no Popery" sentiment was a potent force under the first three Georges and was, on occasions, manifested in the hostility of significant sections of the middle and upper ranks of society, as well as the populace at large.
A portrait of London violence in the eighteenth century describes the economic, political, and religious conflicts that resulted in pervasive levels of crime and conflict, citing the role of everyday citizens in keeping the peace and meting out mob justice.
It is high treason in British law to 'imagine' the king's death. But after the execution of Louis XVI in 1793, everyone in Britain must have found themselves imagining that the same fate might befall George III. How easy was it to distinguish between fantasising about the death of George and 'imagining' it, in the legal sense of 'intending' or 'designing'? John Barrell examines this question in the context of the political trials of the mid-1790s and the controversies they generated. He shows how the law of treason was adapted in the years following Louis's death to punish what was acknowledged to be a 'modern' form of treason unheard of when the law had been framed. The result, he argues, was the invention of a new, an imaginary, a 'figurative' treason, by which the question of who was imagining the king's death, the supposed traitors or those who charged them with treason, became inescapable.
Vic Keegan's Lost London (2) is the second of two books that together have taken over six years of research and are still yielding surprises Vic had no idea that the mundane Highbury and Islington station used to look like an Italian Palazzo before being shamefully pull down, nor that there was an extraordinary cricket match in Walworth between a team from Greenwich with only one leg and the other from Chelsea with only one arm, nor that in 1810, a black bare knuckle fighter was swindled out of being world champion by white subterfuge. There are dozens of similar tales which he hopes you will enjoy. The author spent most of his working life at the Guardian writing among other things a fortnightly economics column for nearly 25 years before finishing off with a weekly column on consumer technology ranging from mobile phones to virtual worlds. He has written six poetry books including London My London with over 80 poems about the capital and the Thames. He is married to Rosie with two children Dan and Chris. David Aaronovitch's review of the first book is here: https: //www.onlondon.co.uk/book-review-vic-keegans-lost-london/