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This book examines the modern African State as a fragile institution because of its structural flaws. It focuses on a number of African countries whose combined analyses provide a focal point for looking at the whole continent as one giant place with crumbling state institutions whose fragility threatens the very existence of several African countries. Even in rich African countries, peace and stability is threatened and rampant corruption and dictatorship. Nothing better demonstrates the weakness and cruelty of the modern African State than its willingness to instigate tribal violence in a number of African countries and its inability to contain such hostilities in many others. In an attempt to put such weakness in proper perspective, the author focuses on analyses of case studies, as the context for a better understanding of the modern African State, as the most dominant institution on the African continent.
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"Lively, definitive, eye-opening, [this book] by acclaimed historian Robert W. Merry brilliantly evokes the life and presidency of William McKinley, cut short by an assassin. Most often lost in the shadow of his brilliant and flamboyant successor, TR, the twenty-fifth president is presented by Merry as a transformative figure, the first modern Republican. It was President McKinley who established the United States as an imperial power. In the Spanish-American War he kicked Spain out of the Caribbean; in the Pacific he acquired Hawaii and the Philippines through war and diplomacy; he took the country to a strict gold standard; he developed the doctrine of 'fair trade'; he forced the 'Open Door' to China; and he forged the 'special relationship' with Great Britain. McKinley established the noncolonial imperialism that took America global. He set the stage for the bold leadership of Theodore Roosevelt, who built on his accomplishments. [This book] brings to life a sympathetic man and an often overlooked president. Merry raises his rank to a chief executive of consequence who paved the way for the American Century."--Dust jacket flap.
Godfrey Mwakikagile looks at the African post-colonial state and the challenges it faces. He contends that it is structurally flawed and does not reflect African realities. It is an oppressive machinery and an apparatus of power to serve the interests of the ruling class and the elite at the expense of ordinary citizens and the masses. And it has retained the institutional structure of the colonial state instead of undergoing fundamental transformation to become truly African. Mwakikagile focuses on a number of countries providing case studies whose relevance is continental in scope. He contends that bad leadership is the biggest problem African countries have faced through the decades and everything else revolves around it. The collapse of a number of African states in the post-colonial era bears testimony to that.
This is an account of the Civil War service of President William McKinley, the last of the Civil War veterans to reach the White House and the only one who served in the ranks. It draws on a range of material to present a picture of McKinley as a soldier and his later life as a veteran in politics.
Why the election of 1896 still matters.
The "progressive" reading of history focuses on two major antecedents for the origins of the United States' 1898 war with Spain: the 1896 presidential election and the Hearst-Pulitzer press war that, reportedly, generated an irresistible clamor from an "aroused public." Underlying those narratives are two very different theoretical frameworks: a class-dominance view and that of the mass society. Volume 1 of President McKinley, War and Empire assesses the adequacy of those readings. In the 1896 election the Republicans, led by William McKinley, were challenged by William Jennings Bryan, a radical and an inflationist, who had defeated the conservative leaders of the Democratic Party. The Bryan...
See How They Ran explores why candidates campaign as they do, why Americans complain about it, and what these evolving patterns and changing images tell us about American democracy itself. On the eve of every election, many Americans become convinced that this presidential campaign is worse than it has ever been. Frustrated, we long for the good old days of dignified campaigns and worthy candidates. However, as Gil Troy’s fascinating history demonstrates, they never existed. Originally, candidates did not run for office, but awaited the people’s call in dignified silence. When Stephen Douglas campaigned in 1860, he pretended to be visiting his mother as he traveled, not actively campaign...