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NGOs, the State, and Politics in Zimbabwe
The role of NANGO
Zimbabwe
When Zimbabwe attained national independence in 1980, it was "given" a constitution that had been drawn up by the British government at Lancaster House in London. This Lancaster House document has since been amended some seventeen times by the Mugabe government. Although some of the amendments were clearly necessary and aimed at redressing some of the colonial injustices, others were deliberately designed in order to ensure that the ruling Zanu PF party entrenched itself in power for The foreseeable future. This study identifies a selection of key indicators for a democratic constitution and approaches a sample of informants and respondents in order to gather their views in relation to The Constitution of Zimbabwe.
Strengthening Parliamentary Democracy in SADC Countries
"Zimbabwe possesses one of the most impressive and well-organised legislatures in the Southern African region. On the surface, it would appear that the in the Southern African region. On the surface, it would appear that the multifaceted functions in the interest of the citizens of that country. Serious investigation of the workings of this august institution, however, reveals that it is little more than a rubber stamp of whatever the executive and ruling political party wish to do. Indeed, to the executive, parliament is more of a necessary nuisance than an essential partner in the governance of Zimbabwe."--Executive summary (p. 1).
Participatory Development
Participatory Development: The Case of Zimbabwe explores the concept of participatory development in Zimbabwe since 1980. It discusses the local government system which it identifies as the most critical public developmental machinery through which beneficiary participation can take place. The various structures and functions of the local government system are identified and discussed in relation to their contribution to participatory development. Other institutions of participatory development: political parties, non-governmental organizations, co-operative societies and other mass organizations in Zimbabwe are identified as providing alternative avenues for beneficiary participation in development.
Behind the Smokescreen
The 1995 general election was the third in the post-independence period in Zimbabwe, and the first to be held in the country since the international demise of the one-party socialist state and the introduction of Structural Adjustment Policies. This work represents a comprehensive, empirical study of these elections undertaken by the Department of Political Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, and an independent French Research Institute. Beyond the electoral results - considered from the outset a foregone conclusion - the study analyses the Zimbabwe elections as a process, in order to provide a deeper understanding of how the ruling elite - the ZANU-PF - uses the electoral process and pretences of fairness and democracy to maintain authoritarian rule; and argues that the electoral process itself may be considered an indicator of entrenched political domination. At evey level the study intends to redress propagandist or naive perceptions of realities of contemporary Zimbabwean politics.
Development and Democracy in Zimbabwe
The impact of decentralisation on the political process in Zimbabwe is the subject of this study. It is based upon the premise that, to the extent that post-independence decentralisation was primarily intended to facilitate the creation of the one-party, socialist state, it has not resulted in the evolution of meaningful democractic governance in Zimbabwe. The views of both appointed/elected officials at the district and provincial levels, and those of the citizens of the seven districts studied, confirm that both democracy and development have not really been served by the Zimbabwe government's decentralisation efforts to date. Political apathy during elections, nonchalance, if not outright resistance or hostility towards participation in local government activities, as discussed in the book, are but a few indicators of the general dissatisfaction that the public at the district and lower levels have with the current local government.
