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Between 1749 and 1850--the formative years of the so-called Jewish Question in Germany--the emancipation debates over granting full civil and political rights to Jews provided the topical background against which all representations of Jewish characters and concerns in literary texts were read. Helfer focuses sharply on these debates and demonstrates through close readings of works by Gotthold Lessing, Friedrich Schiller, Achim von Arnim, Annette von Droste- Hülshoff, Adalbert Stifter, and Franz Grillparzer how disciplinary practices within the field of German studies have led to systematic blind spots in the scholarship on anti-Semitism to date.
By closely examining the interaction between intellectual and material culture in the period before the Nazis came to power in Germany, the author comes to the conclusion that, contrary to widely held assumptions, consumer culture in the Weimar period, far from undermining reading, used reading culture to enhance its goods and values. Reading material was marked as a consumer good, while reading as an activity, raising expectations as it did, influenced consumer culture. Consequently, consumption contributed to the diffusion of reading culture, while at the same time a popular reading culture strengthened consumption and its values. Gideon Reuveni is Director of the Centre for German Jewish Studies at the University of Sussex. He is the co-editor of The Economy in Jewish History (Berghahn, 2010) and several other books on different aspects of Jewish history. Presently he is working on a book on consumer culture and the making of Jewish identity in Europe.
Examines the integration of Jews into German society between 1860-1925, taking as an example the city of Breslau (then Germany, now Wrocław, Poland). Questions whether there was a continuous line from the German treatment of Jews before World War I to Nazi antisemitism. During and after World War I, relations between Jews and non-Jews worsened and the high level of Jewish integration eroded between 1916-25. Although the constitution of the Weimar Republic accorded Jews equality, they experienced acts of violence and discrimination. Argues that antisemitism became stronger as the economic situation of the Jews deteriorated, due to inflation and the emigration to Germany of 4,273 impoverished Jews from Poland and Russia between 1919-23. Concludes, nevertheless, that no direct line can be drawn between the antisemitism in Imperial Germany and that of the Nazi period.
Contributors to this volume seek to reconsider the heritage of discourses of patriotism and national allegiance in East Central Europe between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries. It results from an international research project, “The Intellectual History of Patriotism and the Legacy of Composite States in East Central Europe,” which brought together scholars to discuss the problem of patriotism in the light of the many levels of ethnic, cultural and political allegiances characterizing East Central Europe in early modern times. The authors analyze the complex process of the formation, reception and transmission of early modern discourses of collective identity in a regional context. Along these lines, the contributors also seek to reconfigure the geographical focus of scholarship on this topic and integrate the Eastern European contexts into the broader European discussion.
Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States represents the cooperative effort of a group of American and German scholars to move the historical debate on Republicanism and Liberalism to a new stage. Previously, the relationship between Republican and Liberal ideas, concepts and world views has been discussed in the context of American revolutionary and late eighteenth-century history. While the German states did not experience successful revolutions like those in North America and France, Republican and Liberal ideas and 'language' deeply affected German political thinking and culture, especially in the southern states. The essays published in this book expand the time frame of the debate into the first half of the nineteenth century, applying an innovative and comparative German-American perspective. By systematically studying the similarities and differences in the understanding of Republicanism and Liberalism in the United States and German states, the collection stimulates efforts toward a comprehensive interpretation of political, intellectual and social developments in the 'modernizing' Atlantic world of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
A tour de force examination of the contemporary ideological landscape by one of the world's leading analysts of globalization.
Friedrich Schiller (1759-1805) absorbed the fertile ideas of the German Enlightenment, observed first-hand fresh developments in German Romanticism, and fostered one of Europe's last great Classical movements. His insights into the human condition have endured and are as valuable now as they were when he first wrote. His characterisations of human nature remain compelling and his stylistic achievements in language continue to be admired and studied. His writing spanned many genres - poetry, prose, drama, history, philosophy - and includes a rich correspondence with Goethe. In this volume, an interdisciplinary and international group of scholars examines the many sides that Schiller displays. The contributors illuminate key facets of his ideas by organising his writing around his various vocations: his medical training; work as a poet, young dramatist, and author of literary prose; his tenure as a university professor and historian; the mutually productive partnership with Goethe; his philosophical writings; and his final years as a mature playwright. His afterlife, what Schiller has meant to Germans for two centuries, is also considered.
Moving book history in a new direction, this study examines publishers as brokers of Central Europe's political public sphere. They created international print markets, translated new texts, launched new journals, supported outspoken authors, and experimented with popular formats. Most of all, they contested censorship with finesse and resolve, thereby undermining the aim of Prussia and Austria to criminalize democratic thought. By packaging dissent through popular media, publishers cultivated broad readerships, promoted political literacy, and refashioned citizenship ideals. As political actors, intellectual midwives, and cultural mediators, publishers speak to a broad range of scholarly in...
Working- and middle-class radical politics in England from the fall of Chartism in 1848 to the 1870s.