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With the collapse of the Duvalier dictatorship in 1986 came optimistic hopes for a transition toward a sound democracy, accompanied by economic development and social peace--a vision which has failed to materialize in the past 15 years. A native of Haiti, Fatton (government, U. of Virginia) analyzes Haitian politics from 1986 to 2001, revealing the complications and conflicts which have slowed the country's progress toward an effective democracy. The author also explores alternatives which could lead the country toward success. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
Black Consciousness in South Africa provides a new perspective on black politics in South Africa. It demonstrates and assesses critically the radical character and aspirations of African resistance to white minority rule. Robert Fatton analyzes the development and radicalization of South Africas Black Consciousness Movement from its inception in the late 1960s to its banning in 1977. He rejects the widely accepted interpretation of the Black Consciousness Movement as an exclusively cultural and racial expression of African resistance to racism. Instead Fatton argues that over the course of its existence, the Movement developed a revolutionary ideology capable of challenging the cultural and political hegemony of apartheid. The Black Consciousness Movement came to be a synthesis of class awareness and black cultural assertiveness. It represented the ethico-political weapon of an oppressed class struggling to reaffirm its humanity through active participation in the demise of a racist and capitalist system.
The inability of the Haitian state to deal with the devastation of the January 2010 earthquake brought into sharp focus Haiti¿s desperate social and economic conditions¿and raised perplexing questions. What accounts for the country¿s continuing predicament? Why have repeated attempts at democratic governance failed so abysmally? And what role has the international community played? Addressing these questions, Robert Fatton focuses on Haiti¿s long history of predatory rule and also introduces the concept of the outer periphery to explore the impact of a world economy shaped by neoliberal polices. The result is an insightful analysis of contemporary Haitian politics and society with significant implications for the broader study of comparative politics.
"Fatton illuminates the culture of authoritarianism that, coupled with conditions of extreme underdevelopment, continues to undermine Haiti's recent struggle to establish a meaningful democracy. While offering some hope for the emergence of a more accountable political system, he underscores the profound difficulties of freeing Haitian society from the structural legacy of its long history of despotism."--Jacket.
"A timely collection of articles by some of the leading and emerging scholars and specialists on Haiti, offering a wide range of critical perspectives on the question and meaning of sovereignty in Haiti."--Alex Dupuy, coauthor of The Prophet and Power: Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the International Community, and Haiti "Directly asks the provocative question of ownership and Haitian sovereignty within the post-earthquake moment--an unstable period in which ideas on (re)development, humanitarianism, globalization, militarism, self-determination, and security converge."--Millery Polyné, author of From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964 "Powerful ess...
In 1934 the republic of Haiti celebrated its 130th anniversary as an independent nation. In that year, too, another sort of Haitian independence occurred, as the United States ended nearly two decades of occupation. In the first comprehensive political history of postoccupation Haiti, Matthew Smith argues that the period from 1934 until the rise of dictator Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier to the presidency in 1957 constituted modern Haiti's greatest moment of political promise. Smith emphasizes the key role that radical groups, particularly Marxists and black nationalists, played in shaping contemporary Haitian history. These movements transformed Haiti's political culture, widened political discourse, and presented several ideological alternatives for the nation's future. They were doomed, however, by a combination of intense internal rivalries, pressures from both state authorities and the traditional elite class, and the harsh climate of U.S. anticommunism. Ultimately, the political activism of the era failed to set Haiti firmly on the path to a strong independent future.
The 7.0 magnitude earthquake that hit Haiti’s capital on January 12, 2010 will be remembered as one of the world’s deadliest disasters. The earthquake was a tragedy that gripped the nation-and the world. But as a disaster it also magnified the social ills that have beset this island nation that sits squarely in the United States’ diplomatic and geopolitical shadow. The quake exposed centuries of underdevelopment, misguided economic policies, and foreign aid interventions that have contributed to rampant inequality and social exclusion in Haiti. Tectonic Shiftsoffers a diverse on-the-ground set of perspectives about Haiti’s cataclysmic earthquake and the aftermath that left more than ...
The Guise of Exceptionalism compares the historical origins of Haitian and American exceptionalisms. It also traces how exceptionalism as a narrative of uniqueness has shaped relations between the two countries from their early days of independence through the contemporary period. Exceptionalism is at the core of every national founding narrative. It allows countries to purge history of injurious stains, and embellish it with mythical innocence and claims of distinction. Exceptionalism also builds the bonds of solidarity that forge an imagined national fellowship of the chosen, but it excludes those deemed unfit for membership because of their race, ethnicity, gender, or class. Exceptionalism, however, is not frozen. As a social invention, it changes over time, but always within the parameters of its original principles. Our capacity to reinvent it is dependent on the degree of hegemony achieved by the ruling class, and if this class has the infrastructural power to gradually co-opt and include €the groups it had once excluded.
After supporting Préval as the indispensable President of Haiti, the United States and France grew increasingly antagonistic to him and were bent on preventing the election of his handpicked successor, Jude Célestin. In fact, Seitenfus reveals that this antagonism reached the point where the Core Group led by Mulet attempted to remove Préval from office and send him into exile. Had it not been for the intervention of Seitenfus himself, Préval might well have had in Mulet's words "to leave the presidency and abandon Haiti." While the Core group failed to carry this gross and illegal coup, it nonetheless succeeded in creating a process that changed the results of the first round of the pre...
In this important book, leading scholar Alex Dupuy provides a critical reinterpretation of the Haitian Revolution and its aftermath. Dupuy evaluates the French colonial context of Saint-Domingue and then Haiti, the achievements and limitations of the revolution, and the divisions in the Haitian ruling class that blocked meaningful economic and political development. He reconsiders the link between slavery and modern capitalism; refutes the argument that Hegel derived his master-slave dialectic from the Haitian Revolution; analyzes the consequences of new class and color divisions after independence; and convincingly explains why Haiti chose to pay an indemnity to France in return for its recognition of Haiti’s independence. In his sophisticated analysis of race, class, and slavery, Dupuy provides a robust theoretical framework for conceptualizing and understanding these major themes.