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Contains refereed articles on constrasting relational conceptions of the individual in economics. This book also covers the development of Adam Smith's style of lecturing; a comparison of problems encountered in the historian's work as editor, based upon editing Harrod's papers and Haberler's "Prosperity and Depression".
"In considering the lodestars of American neoconservative thought-among them Irving Kristol, Gertrude Himmelfarb, James Q. Wilson, and Francis Fukuyama-Antti Lepistö makes a compelling case for the centrality of their conception of "the common man" in accounting for the enduring power and influence of their thought. Lepistö locates the roots of this conception in the eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. Subsequently, the neoconservatives weaponized the ideas of Adam Smith, Thomas Reid, and David Hume to denounce postwar liberal elites, educational authorities, and social reformers-ultimately giving rise to a defining force in American politics: the "common sense" of "the common man.""--
Vol 33 includes research from preeminent scholars such as Malcolm Rutherford, current HES President-elect Jeff E. Biddle, Steven G. Medema, author of The Hesitant Hand: Taming Self-Interest in the History of Economic Ideas, leading methodologist John B. Davis, and Robert W. Dimand, one of the world's foremost experts on John Maynard Keynes.
An essential origin story of modern society’s most influential economic doctrine. The Chicago School of economic thought has been subject to endless generalizations—and mischaracterizations—in contemporary debate. What is often portrayed as a monolithic obsession with markets is, in fact, a nuanced set of economic theories born from decades of research and debate. The Monetarists is a deeply researched history of the monetary policies—and personalities—that codified the Chicago School of monetary thought from the 1930s through the 1960s. These policies can be characterized broadly as monetarism: the belief that prices and interest rates can be kept stable by controlling the amount ...
On 9 August 1974, Richard Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment; on 29 April 1975, the United States scuttled from their Embassy in Saigon - optics that were interpreted as defeats for the ‘International Right’. Yet in 1975, Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party; and in 1976 Ronald Reagan almost unseated a sitting Republican Party President. Pivotal to the ‘turn to the Right’ was Friedrich ‘von’ Hayek’s 1974 Nobel Prize for Economic Science - awarded for having used Austrian Business Cycle Theory to predict the Great Depression: ‘For him it is not a matter of a simple defence of a liberal system of society as may sometimes appear from the popularized version...
Italy is well known for its prominent economists, as well as for the typical public profile they have constantly revealed. But, when facing an illiberal and totalitarian regime, how closely did Italian economists collaborate with government in shaping its economic and political institutions, or work independently? This edited book completes a gap in the history of Italian economic thought by addressing in a comprehensive way the crucial link between economics and the fascist regime, covering the history of political economy in Italy during the so-called “Ventennio” (1922-1943) with an institutional perspective. The approach is threefold: analysis of the academic and extra-academic scene,...
Uses archival evidence to provide unique insights into US economics, focusing on the origins of the IMF, building a multilateral strategy for the US, the Great Inflation of the 1970s, and on Marriner S. Eccles, Lauchlin Currie, Allyn Young, John H. Williams and Arthur I. Bloomfield.
An epic history of money, trade and development since 1933 In 1933, Keynes reflected on the crisis of the Great Depression that arose from individualistic capitalism: 'It is not intelligent, it is not beautiful, it is not just, it is not virtuous - and it doesn't deliver the goods ... But when we wonder what to put in its place, we are extremely perplexed.' We are now in a similar state of perplexity, wondering how to respond to the economic problems of the world. Martin Daunton examines the changing balance over ninety years between economic nationalism and globalization, explaining why one economic order breaks down and how another one is built, in a wide-ranging history of the institution...
Sono davvero in crisi le grandi democrazie del mondo? Aspenia 87 contribuisce alla riflessione su un interrogativo di grandissima attualità interpellando, tra gli altri, autori di primo piano come Giuliano Amato, Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard, Walter Russell Mead e Ian Bremmer. Leadership americana e relazioni transatlantiche sono state da sempre alla base delle democrazie liberali. Succede però che l'Occidente non ha saputo leggere il mondo uscito dalla caduta del Muro di Berlino. E non ha avuto il coraggio di inglobare la Russia in un sistema di sicurezza europeo. La crisi economica scoppiata negli Stati Uniti nel 2008 ha poi fatto il resto, contagiando l'Europa nei cui sistemi democratici hanno sempre più trovato spazio sovranismi e populismi. Mentre s'affaccia nel gioco delle potenze globali una Cina sempre più forte e con grandi aspirazioni di leadership, non è più possibile rinviare il rilancio della partnership transatlantica, magari con l'Europa a fare da traino di un'America riluttante e con alcuni tratti isolazionisti.
This text interrogates the role of experts in governing and proposes a viable alternative: governing by democratic discussion.