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About the implications of the 1938 Munich conference on international foreign policy and conflict resolution in the 1980s.
While the dramatic events in Europe have considerably eased international tensions, and the United States and the Soviet Union are reducing chemical weapons stockpiles, Iraq s invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 suddenly heightened international concerns about chemical weapons. The imminent danger that chemical and biological weapons might again be employed compels the world to confront this issue candidly.At a United States Institute of Peace Public Workshop held in January 1989, Peace Fellows Robin Ranger and Raymond Cohen offered a unique and controversially frank proposal for controlling the spread and use of chemical weapons: the formation of an International Chemical Weapons Authority (I...
This book argues that current policy, even if invigorated by more aggressive military efforts, will not bring the United States victory over Saddam and his regime.
How a president who prided himself on his decisiveness vacillated between policy approaches in the Middle East. Although George W. Bush memorably declared, “I'm the decider,” as president he was remarkably indecisive when it came to U.S. policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His administration's policymaking featured an ongoing clash between moderate realists and conservative hard-liners inspired by right-wing religious ideas and a vision of democracy as cure-all. Riven by these competing agendas, the Bush administration vacillated between recognizing the Palestinian right to self-determination and embracing Israeli leaders who often chose war over negotiations. Through the yea...
Considers how U.N. peacekeeping operations could be made more effective, primarily through practical reforms, for the post-Cold War era. Focuses on how professionalism could best be accomplished. Written by experts both on U.N. military affairs and on the potential role of the U.S. military and the militaries of other states in enhanced peacekeeping operations. Somalia considered in detail.
"Although George W. Bush memorably declared, “I'm the decider,” as president he was remarkably indecisive when it came to U.S. policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His administration's policymaking featured an ongoing clash between moderate realists and conservative hard-liners inspired by right-wing religious ideas and a vision of democracy as cure-all. Riven by these competing agendas, the Bush administration vacillated between recognizing the Palestinian right to self-determination and embracing Israeli leaders who often chose war over negotiations"--Front flap.
America Alone explores how George W. Bush's election, and the fear and confusion of September 11, 2001, combined to allow a small group of radical intellectuals to seize the reins of US national security policy. It shows how, at this 'inflection point' in US history an inexperienced president was persuaded to abandon his campaign pledges (and the successful consensus-driven, bi-partisan diplomacy that managed the lethal Soviet threat over the past half-century) and adopt a neo-conservative foreign policy emphasizing military confrontation and 'nation-building'. To date, the costs - in blood, money and credibility - have been great and the benefits few, with traditional conservatives deploring Bush's approach. America Alone outlines the costs in terms of economic damage, distortion of priorities, rising anti-Americanism, and reduced security. Then it sets out an alternative approach emphasizing the traditional conservative principles of containing risk, consensus diplomacy and balance of power.
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A sobering expos of the secret relationship between neo-conservative policy makers and the Christian right argues that Middle East instability reflects an ongoing battle between fundamentalist groups, in a behind-the-scenes account that cites Bush's role in promoting the war in Iraq and ultimately bringing about his own downfall. By the author of House of Bush, House of Saud. 200,000 first printing.