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In Russia's cultural memory, the Caucasus is a potent point of reference, to which many emotions, images, and stereotypes are attached. The book gives a new reading of the development of Russia's perception of its borderlands and presents a complex picture of the encounter between the Russians and the indigenous population of the Caucasus. The study outlines the history of a region standing in between Russian reveries and Russian imperialism. (Series: Studies on South East Europe, Vol. 19) [Subject: History, Russian Studies, Ethnology]
What happens when the Russian Orthodox tradition meets post-Soviet Russia? This is the gemeral question which will be in the focus in this study of the Orthodox discourse in post-Soviet Russian culture. It will be abalyzed both in its own right and as a constituent of memory, a conservative or imperialist political attitude and postmodernism. One issue addressed in the debate over the use of Church Slavonic as the liturgical language. Another invloves the nature of the canonizations that have taken place in the Orthodox Church in recent years and attempts to canonize the soldier Evgenij Rodionov and Stalin. A third topic is jurodstvo, or holy foolishness, for centuries a special and recurring theme in the Orthodox Church that has re-emerged after the fall of the Soviet Union. A chapter is devoted to Ksenija of Petersburg, a peculiar and much beloved holy fool of that city. A final issue concerns the significance of the Orthodox tradition in recent Russian art and poetry.
1. One of the most outstanding leaders within Second International Marxism, George Plekhanov has interested Western scholars primarily as a historical and political figure, specifically as the first full-fledged Marxist among the Russian intelligentsia. At the end of the nineteenth century he was the leader in putting Russian progressive culture in touch with Western Marxism, breaking away from Populism and, at the same time, resuming materialistic tradition within Russian progressive thought. Among Russian revolutionaries, a few others to be sure had been interested in Marx before Plekhanov. The translations of some of Marx' works into Russian show this clearly. In 1869 Mikhail Bakunin tran...
This study focuses on the conflicting aims and deeds of the Russian government and the Polish nationally-minded student youth in the situation which emerged after the closure of the universities in Warsaw and Wilno (Vilnius) in 1832. Thousands of Polish students studied in Russian universities, constituting a considerable portion of the student body. They formed conspiracies, student unions and study circles. Their relations with Russian students entailed both enmity and co-operation. The book analyzes the idea of what it meant to be a Polish student in Russia between 1832 and 1863, and reveals secret disagreements between government politicians concerning the Polish question at the universities.
"Si può pensare anche narrando". Ernst Bloch. E narrativamente parlando non esiste miglior pensatore di Fedor Dostoevskij. riccamente illustrato prima edizione del 1997 in volume unico.
This book documents developments in the countries of eastern Europe, including the rise of authoritarian tendencies in Russia and Belarus, as well as the victory of the democratic 'Orange Revolution' in Ukraine, and poses important questions about the origins of the East Slavic nations and the essential similarities or differences between their cultures. It traces the origins of the modern Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian nations by focusing on pre-modern forms of group identity among the Eastern Slavs. It also challenges attempts to 'nationalize' the Rus' past on behalf of existing national projects, laying the groundwork for understanding of the pre-modern history of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The book covers the period from the Christianization of Kyivan Rus' in the tenth century to the reign of Peter I and his eighteenth-century successors, by which time the idea of nationalism had begun to influence the thinking of East Slavic elites.
The state has been recently taken over and is being run by the tyrannical and philistine 'Average Man' party. Under the slogans of equality and happiness for all, it has done away with individualism and freedom of thought. Only John Krug, a brilliant philosopher, stands up to the regime. His antagonist, the leader of the new party, is his old school enemy, Paduk - known as the 'Toad'. Grieving over his wife's recent death, Krug is at first dismissive of Paduk's activities and sees no threat in them. But the sinister machine which Paduk has set in motion may prove stronger than the individual, stronger even than the grotesque 'Toad' himself.