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It is generally accepted in the West that Buddhism is a ‘peaceful’ religion. The Western public tends to assume that the doctrinal rejection of violence in Buddhism would make Buddhist pacifists, and often expects Buddhist societies or individual Asian Buddhists to conform to the modern Western standards of ‘peaceful’ behavior. This stereotype – which may well be termed ‘positive Orientalism,’ since it is based on assumption that an ‘Oriental’ religion would be more faithful to its original non-violent teachings than Western Christianity – has been periodically challenged by enthusiastic acquiescence by monastic Buddhism to the most brutal sorts of warfare. This volume de...
This edited book investigates how life is affected by the increasingly authoritarian regime in Bangladesh.Earlier a flawed but real electoral democracy, over the last several years Bangladesh has been characterised as a ‘hybrid regime’ in The Economist’s Democracy Index. Today it is a country in which law still rules and leaders are still chosen – but only on paper. The uniqueness of this book is not in defining regime type or investigating trajectories. It is in its efforts to study how these changes affect everyday life. All chapters are based on intimate knowledge of a field, on first-hand experience, and on interviews and ethnography. This book will interest political scientists and scholars of Bangladesh, the Islamic world and beyond, with findings of broad relevance to hybrid regimes.
This book examines ten reasons for global jihad today. Specifically, the reasons are (1) radicalization, (2) group dynamics and socialization, (3) social alienation, (4) religious motivations, (5) legal motivations, (6) political motivations, (7) a Clash of Civilizations, (8) economic conditions, (9) transformative learning, and (10) outbidding and internal rifts. To investigate these points, all chapters include the historical background, specific case studies (both past and current), statistics, and theoretical approaches to the subject of global jihad. The main purpose of jihad is to achieve global domination—through any means, including violence—and establish the Caliphate. The Caliphate is a Muslim system of world government that seeks to establish a new world order by overthrowing the current order, effectively creating an all-encompassing Islamic state.
In a world where post-conflict and postcolonial countries struggle to heal from the past and meet new challenges, peace education is often neglected and instrumentalized for political agendas. Drawing on case studies from Afghanistan, Bolivia, Burundi, Colombia, Myanmar, Nepal, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, and Uruguay, this book shows that cultural and structural violence can, in turn, lead to direct violence. An effective program of peace education responds to these dynamics meeting our urgent problems and opening up new opportunities for peacebuilding. With this direction in mind, this book addresses the practices of peace education from around the world. The fundamental question answered here is: can peace be taught, especially where the scars of war and legacies of colonialism are entrenched in society? Peace education is foundational to a more equitable future where global citizens share a planet in justice, equity, with human security, and all the elements of sustainable, resilient peace. Foremost, it is an essential pillar for societies scarred by violence.
During the 1970s the todays Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, Science and Research (Bundesministerium für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Forschung, BMBWF) supported the founding of the Center for Austrian Studies at the University of Minnesota in Minneapolis and the Austrian Chair at Stanford University in California. These foundings were the initial incentives for the worldwide 'spreading' of similar institutions; currently nine Centers for Austrian and Central European Studies exist in seven states on three continents. The funding of the Ministry enables to connect senior with young scholars, to help young PhD students, to participate and to benefit from the scientific connection of expe...
Southeast Asia, an economically dynamic and strategically vital region, seemed until recently to be transiting to more democratic politics. This progress has suddenly stalled or even gone into reverse, requiring that analysts seriously rethink their expectations and theorizing. The Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian Democratization provides the first book-length account of the reasons for democracy’s declining fortunes in the region today. Combining theory and case studies, it is structured in four major sections: Stunted Trajectories and Unhelpful Milieus Wavering Social Forces Uncertain Institutions Country cases and democratic guises This interdisciplinary reference work addresses to...
This book analyses what Myanmar's struggle for democracy has signified to Burmese activists and democratic leaders, and to their international allies. In doing so, it explores how understanding contested meanings of democracy helps make sense of the country's tortuous path since Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won historic elections in 2015. Using Burmese and English language sources, Narrating Democracy in Myanmar reveals how the country's ongoing struggles for democracy exist not only in opposition to Burmese military elites, but also within networks of local activists and democratic leaders, and international aid workers.
Jeremiah Meacham (1613/1614-1696) emigrated during or before 1650 from England to Southold, Long Island, New York, and married twice. Family tradition indicates he immigrated between 1630 and 1642 under an assumed name (possibly Weaver). Descendants and relatives lived throughout the United States. Joseph Mecham Sr. (1780-1845), a direct descendant in the sixth generation, married Sarah Basford, and they became Mormon converts. They moved from New Hampshire (via Ohio and Missouri) to Nauvoo, Illinois, where he died. His descendants and relatives lived in Utah, Idaho, Arizona, California and elsewhere. Includes much Mecham ancestry and genealogical data in England to about 1066 A.D., including various lines of nobility.
This book describes women’s efforts as agents for change in Myanmar and examines the potential of the peace process as an opportunity for women’s empowerment. Following decades of political turbulence, the volume describes the contributions of women in Myanmar in the midst of a difficult peace process and reflects on the significance of the Women, Peace and Security agenda in this context. The book examines how women have mobilized for peace, while also addressing women’s participation in the conflict, and investigates the perspectives and aims of women’s organizations and the challenges and aspirations of women activists in Myanmar’s ethnic areas. Contributions in the volume discuss and critically assess the argument that war and peacebuilding add momentum to the transformation of gender roles. By presenting new knowledge on women’s disempowerment and empowerment in conflict, and their participation in peacebuilding, this book adds important insights into the debate on gender and political change in societies affected by conflict. This book will be of interest to students of peace and conflict studies, gender studies and security studies in general.
Based on a unique comparative study of Burundi, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Fiji this book analyses the formal and informal arrangements defining the post-conflict political order in these countries and evaluates whether these systems strengthened or weakened the chances of establishing sustainable peace and lasting democracy. What can be learned from these cases? Each country has it unique history but they are faced with comparable challenges and dilemmas in building a democratic future. Which solutions seem to contribute to democratic stability and which do not? These questions are discussed in light of theoretical literature, case studies, and field interviews with the authors concluding that systems based on proportional representation offered the best prospects for including diverse and conflicting identities and building unified political systems. The book is of particular interest to students of democracy and peace-building; academics as well as decision-makers and practitioners in the field.