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A telling and frank examination of the failure of Israel's peace movement to stem the lurch to the right of Israeli politics.
This book is devoted to Israel's asymmetric wars, those conducted against irregular armed groups that have attacked it. It seeks to understand the Israeli strategy in the fight against terrorists acting under the guise of civilians or using the population as human shields. The army has implemented a loosely devised, if not simplistic, doctrine of "disproportionate response" since Israel's founding. The results have been mediocre, nearly always leading to the death of innocent Arab civilians and exacerbating anti-Israeli sentiment. Each time it has led to an escalation that is difficult to control and thrown the entire country into an increasingly inextricable situation. Practically every time it has made Israel, the aggressed party, look like the aggressor. What explains such perseverance? This research is based on vast documentation collected in Israel as well as on more than 60 in-depth interviews with officers and simple soldiers, senior counterterrorism officials, politicians, journalists and NGOs.
Now in its third edition, The Defense Policies of Nations has been thoroughly updated to take into account the dramatic developments of recent years: the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the resurgence of East Asian powers, the emergence of newly independent nations in Eastern Europe, the continuing instability of the Middle East, and the growing importance of third world nations in global security matters. "For those dealing with national defense issues on a daily basis, or even for those interested in the subject because of its current relevance, The Defense Policy of Nations is must reading." -- Gen. Theodore J. Conway, Military Review. American Academy of Political and Social Science.
Numerous democratic nations have been singled out by NGOs for brutality in their modus operandi, for paying inadequate attention to civilian protection or for torture of prisoners. This book deals with the difficulties faced when conducting asymmetric warfare in populated areas without violating humanitarian law.
Since the fall of the Berlin wall, the two sides of the Atlantic have struggled to identify a new common project and create the tools and institutions needed to address common challenges. To their credit, they have transformed their militaries, integrated new members into Western institutions such as the European Union and NATO, deepened economic ties, developed new partnerships, and acquired new capabilities. But they have also had a number of ugly and public disputes over the nature and severity of the threats they face as well as the means necessary to combat such threats. Now, several years after the dark days of 2002 and 2003, the transatlantic partners are working toward renewal. Altho...
Does public opinion matter in international conflict resolution? Does national foreign policy remain independent of public opinion and the media? International Public Opinion and the Bosnia Crisis examines, through U.S., Canadian, and European case studies, how public reaction impacted democratic governments' response to the ethnic and religious conflict in Bosnia during the period from 1991-1997. Each case study offers an overview of the national media coverage and public reaction to the war in the former Yugoslavia and examines the links between public opinion and political and military intervention in Bosnia. The result is a comprehensive evaluation of the complex relationship between public opinion, media coverage, and foreign policy decision-making.
Are international relations as we have known them coming to an end, to be replaced by a global politics in which inter-power rivalry and the exercise of authority are not longer to be defined within national boundaries, and the distinction between states and non-state actors will beome irrelevant?
First published in 1984, Continuity and Change in France sets out to explore questions by examining the many features of the Giscard presidency which have endured under Socialist rule. Few people predicted the election victory of Francois Mitterrand over Giscard d’ Estaing in May 1981. It was greeted, by his supporters at least, as the first remarkable event in a chain of far-reaching changes which would transform France. However, it has gradually become clear that political change does not come easily to modern France and that continuity is at least as important. This book is at once a valuable review of the 1974- 81 period as well as a revealing account of what has changed since then and what, despite the rhetoric, has not. The contributors cover a number of areas important to French presidency and demonstrate the existence of a surprising degree of continuity in terms of both policy and personnel. They will be welcomed by all students of French politics as providing the basis for a fuller assessment of the successes and shortcomings of the Mitterrand years.
Nearly 40 years after the concept of finite deterrence was popularized by the Johnson administration, nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) thinking appears to be in decline. The United States has rejected the notion that threatening population centers with nuclear attacks is a legitimate way to assure deterrence. Most recently, it withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, an agreement based on MAD. American opposition to MAD also is reflected in the Bush administration's desire to develop smaller, more accurate nuclear weapons that would reduce the number of innocent civilians killed in a nuclear strike. Still, MAD is influential in a number of ways. First, other countries, like C...
How policymakers use the power of their convictions to lead in international relations