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A bold new approach to combatting the inherent corruption of representative democracy This provocative book reveals how the majority of modern liberal democracies have become increasingly oligarchic, suffering from a form of structural political decay first conceptualized by ancient philosophers. Systemic Corruption argues that the problem cannot be blamed on the actions of corrupt politicians but is built into the very fabric of our representative systems. Camila Vergara provides a compelling and original genealogy of political corruption from ancient to modern thought, and shows how representative democracy was designed to protect the interests of the already rich and powerful to the detri...
Papers from a conference held 6-7 December 2013 at the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies at Columbia University to mark the five-hundredth anniversary of the publication of The Prince.
Offers a groundbreaking analysis of the distinctive substantive, theoretical and methodological contributions of subnational research in the field of comparative politics.
In recent years "leaderless" social movements have proliferated around the globe, from North Africa and the Middle East to Europe, the Americas, and East Asia. Some of these movements have led to impressive gains: the toppling of authoritarian leaders, the furthering of progressive policy, and checks on repressive state forces. They have also been, at times, derided by journalists and political analysts as disorganized and ineffectual, or suppressed by disoriented and perplexed police forces and governments who fail to effectively engage them. Activists, too, struggle to harness the potential of these horizontal movements. Why have the movements, which address the needs and desires of so man...
"Hanna Pitkin's study of Machiavelli was the first to place gender systematically at the center of its exploration of his political thought. Rife with contradictions, Machiavelli's writings have led commentators to characterize him as everything from a civic republican to a proto-fascist. Acknowledging these contradictions, Pitkin shows that they reflect three distinct ways of thinking about politics, each of which is tied to a different understanding of "manhood." In a new Afterword, Pitkin discusses the book's critical reception and situates its arguments in the context of recent interpretations of Machiavelli's thought."--Jacket.
"Wise, witty, razor-sharp" Stephen Greenblatt, author of The Swerve: How the Renaissance Began Interested in Machiavelli?That may be a bad sign. We always turn to Machiavelli at crisis points in history – he is the philosopher for dark times. But what do we really know about this man? Is there more to his work than that perennial term for political evil, Machiavellianism? In this concise, elegant book, Patrick Boucheron undoes many assumptions about this most complex of figures. By honing in on Machiavelli's role in the political life of his own time, Boucheron shows how his thought remains essential to understanding not only how authoritarianism works, but also how it can be fought.
Before Machiavelli, political freedom was approached as a problem of the best distribution of the functions of ruler and ruled. Machiavelli changed the terms of freedom, requiring that its discourse address the demand for no-rule or non-domination. Political freedom would then develop only through a strategy of antagonism to every form of legitimate domination. This leads to the emergence of modern political life: any institution that wishes to rule legitimately must simultaneously be inscribed with its immanent critique and imminent subversion. For Machiavelli, the possibility of instituting the political form is conditioned by the possibility of changing it in an event of political revolut...
Some of the world's foremost historians of ideas consider Machiavelli's political thought in the larger context of the republican tradition.
This collection, which can serve as an introduction to the field of populism, provides an array of interdisciplinary approaches to populist mobilizations, theories, meanings, and effects. In so doing, it rejects essentialized ideas regarding what populism is or is not. Rather, it explores the political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive for the emergence of movements labelled populist, the rationalities and affective tenor of those movements, the political issues pertaining to the relationship between populists and elites, and the relationship between populist groups and political pluralism. Grappling with accord and discord in assumptions and methodologies, the book will appeal to scholars of sociology, political science, communication and cultural studies interested in populism, social movements, citizenship, and democracy.
Democracy is not easy. Citizens who disagree sharply about politics must nonetheless work together as equal partners in the enterprise of collective self-government. Ideally, this work would be conducted under conditions of mutual civility, with opposed citizens nonetheless recognizing one another's standing as political equals. But when the political stakes are high, and the opposition seems to us severely mistaken, why not drop the democratic pretences of civil partnership, and simply play to win? Why seek to uphold properly democratic relations with those who embrace political ideas that are flawed, irresponsible, and out of step with justice? Why sustain democracy with political foes? Dr...