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Why on earth would anyone choose to do a PhD in democracy studies? How and why should we even study democracy? And what are the challenges and rewards of the PhD journey? We have asked these questions to democracy researchers, young PhD candidates, people who have given up on their PhD, fresh post-docs and established professors, as well as coaches, trainers, supervisors, and others. Their confessions, collected in 31 chapters, make up this book.
In light of the public and scholarly debates on the challenges and problems of established democracies, such as a lack of participation, declining confidence in political elites, and the deteriorating capabilities of democratic institutions, this volume discusses the question whether democracy as such is in crisis. On the basis of the shared concept of embedded democracy, it develops a range of conceptual approaches to empirically analyzing the challenges of democracy and their potential transformation into crisis phenomena. The book is divided into three parts, the first of which highlights various aspects of political participation, such as political inequality in voting. In turn, Part II focuses on problems of political representation, while Part III assesses whether processes such as globalization, deregulation, and the withdrawal of the state from important policy areas have limited the political control and legitimacy of democratically elected governments.
This book systematically explores the relationship between party funding and corruption, and addresses fundamental concerns in the continued consideration of how democracy should function. The book analyses whether parties funded primarily through private donations are necessarily more corrupt than those funded by the state, and whether different types of corruption are evident in different funding regimes. Drawing on a comparison of Great Britain and Denmark, the author argues that levels of state subsidy are, in fact, unrelated to the type of corruption found. Subsidies are not a cure for corruption or, importantly, perceived corruption, so if they are to be introduced or sustained, this should be done for other reasons. Subsidies can, for example, be justified on grounds of public utility. Meanwhile, anti-corruption measures should focus on other regulations, but even then we should not expect such measures to impact on perceptions of corruption in the short term.
This open access book focuses on the importance that EU politicization has gained in European democracies and the consequences for voting behaviour in six countries of the EU: Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. Most of the studies which research the way the EU is being legitimised focus on the European Parliament elections. In this book we argue that to understand how EU accountability works, it is necessary to focus instead on national elections and the national political environment. Through a detailed, multimethod analysis this book establishes rigorously the paths of European accountability at the national level, its propitious contexts in the media and parliamentary debates, and whether the paths are similar from Greece to Germany. The findings have implications for both national and European Union democracy, underlining the importance that national institutions have in enabling citizens to hold the EU accountable.
Global climate constitutionalism is seen as a possible legal answer to the social and political unwillingness of states to effectively tackle climate change as a global problem. The constitutionalisation of international climate law is supposed to ensure greater participation of non-state actors such as NGOs or individuals and a rollback of state sovereignty where states do not care about meeting their climate commitments. This book addresses the question of whether non-state actors such as NGOs or individuals create international climate law through so-called climate change litigation. Against the background of Peter Häberle's theory of the “open society of constitutional interpreters”, four selected cases (Urgenda v Netherlands, Leghari v Pakistan, Juliana v United States of America, Future Generations v Colombia) are used to examine how actors not formally recognized as subjects of international law (re)interpret national and international law and thereby contribute to the constitutionalisation of the international climate law regime.
This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read on the Oxford Academic platform and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. In Shared Rule in Federal Theory and Practice, Sean Mueller provides a new, in-depth treatment of shared rule, a crucial but so far largely neglected dimension of federalism and multilevel governance. He discusses shared rule's conceptual evolution and defines three different meanings commonly ascribed to it: shared rule as horizontal cooperation, centralization, or bottom-up influence seeking. An original expert survey conducted among 38 federalism scholars in 11 c...
When we participate in political debate or protests, we are judged by how we look, which clothes we wear, by our skin colour, gender and body language. This results in exclusions and limits our freedom of expression. The Politics of Becoming explores radical democratic acts of disidentification to counter this problem. Anonymity in masked protest, graffiti, and online debate interrupts our everyday identities. This allows us to live our multiple selves. In the digital age, anonymity becomes an inherent part of everyday communication. Through our smart devices we express our selves differently. As cyborgs our identities are disrupted and reassembled. We curate self-representations on social m...
Variant spellings of the name Goeken are Göke, Göeke, or Göken.
Wie hat sich Demokratie während eines Jahres mit Covid-19 verändert? 26 Beiträge in vier Sprachen über die sozialen und politischen Implikationen der Covid-19-Pandemie How has democracy changed during one year with Covid-19? 26 contributions in four languages on the social and political implications of the Covid-19 pandemic Comment la démocratie a-t-elle changé après un an de Covid-19 ? 26 contributions en quatre langues sur les implications sociales et politiques de la pandémie de Covid-19 Com'è cambiata la democrazia dopo un anno di Covid-19? 26 contributi in quattro lingue sulle implicazioni sociali e politiche della pandemia di Covid-19
Es gibt kaum einen Begriff in den Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften, der so häufig benutzt wird wie der Begriff Krise. Krise des Sozialstaats, Krise der politischen Parteien, Krise des Parlaments, Eurokrise, Krise im Mittleren Osten, Krise der Diktaturen und schon immer auch: Krise der Demokratie. Steckt die Demokratie tatsächlich in der Krise, oder ist dieses verbreitete Urteil eine Erfindung von Theoretikern und Medien? Die Beiträge dieses Buchs untersuchen den gegenwärtigen Zustand der etablierten Demokratien auf der Grundlage eines gemeinsamen Demokratie- und Krisenverständnisses. Dem Leser wird aus drei theoretischen Perspektiven ein empirisch gehaltvoller Blick auf die zentralen Ebenen der Demokratie in der OECD-Welt geöffnet: der Partizipation, der Repräsentation und des Regierens. Die Krisenphänomene sind vielschichtig und variieren von Institution zu Institution, von Politikbereich zu Politikbereich und von Land zu Land. Von einer allgemeinen oder gar existenziellen Krise kann nicht die Rede sein. Dennoch gibt es keinen Grund zur Entwarnung. Die Legitimationsachsen der Demokratie verschieben sich. Die Demokratie steht vor großen Herausforderungen.