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This book offers an assessment of China’s assertive foreign policy behavior with a special focus on Chinese policies in the South China Sea (SCS). By providing a detailed account of the events in the SCS and by analyzing power dynamics in the region, it identifies the driving forces behind China’s assertive foreign policy. Considering China’s power on a domestic as well as an international level, it examines a number of different sources of hard and soft power, including military, economics, geopolitics, and domestic legitimacy. The author demonstrates that Chinese assertiveness in the SCS can be explained not only by increases in China’s power, but also by effective reactions to other actors’ foreign policy changes. The book will appeal to scholars in international relations, especially those interested in a better understanding of South China Sea developments, China’s political power and foreign policy, and East Asian international affairs.
This book investigates whether a power shift has taken place in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of the Cold War. By systematically examining the development of power dynamics in Asia-Pacific, it challenges the notion that a wealthier and militarily more powerful China is automatically turning the regional tides in its favour. With a special emphasis on Sino-US competition, the book explores the alleged linkage between the regional distribution of relevant material and immaterial capabilities, national power and the much-cited regional power shift. The book presents a novel concept for measuring power in international relations by outlining a composite index on aggregated power (CIAP) that includes 55 variables for 44 regional countries and covers a period of twenty years. Moreover, it develops a middle power theory that outlines the significance of middle powers in times of major power shifts. By addressing political, military and economic cooperation via a structured-focused comparison and by applying a comparative-historical analysis, the book analyses in depth the bilateral relations of six regional middle powers to Washington and Beijing.
Unresolved Border, Land and Maritime Disputes in Southeast Asia, edited by Alfred Gerstl and Mária Strašáková, sheds light on various unresolved and lingering territorial disputes in Southeast Asia and their reflection in current inter-state relations in the region. The authors, academics from Europe and East Asia, particularly address the territorial disputes in the South China Sea and those between Vietnam and Cambodia and Thailand and Cambodia. They apply International Relations theories in a wider regional and comparative perspective. The empirical analyses are embedded in a concise theoretical discussion of the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and borders. Furthermore, the book discusses the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other multi-track mechanisms in border conflict mediation. Contributors are: Petra Andělová, Alica Kizeková, Filip Kraus, Josef Falko Loher, Padraig Lysaght, Jörg Thiele, Richard Turcsányi, Truong-Minh Vu and Zdeněk Kříž.
This volume offers a comprehensive and empirically rich analysis of regional maritime disputes in the South China Sea (SCS). By discussing important aspects of the rise of China’s maritime power, such as territorial disputes, altered perceptions of geo-politics and challenges to the US-led regional order, the authors demonstrate that a regional power shift is taking place in Asia-Pacific. The volume also provides in-depth discussions of the responses to Chinese actions by SCS claimants as well as by important non-claimant actors.
This report is a result of a wide-scale study of public opinion on China in 13 European countries, conducted in September-October 2020, on the research sample representative with respect to gender, age from 18 to 70, level of education, country region, and settlement density. Here, we focus on the Czech portion of the polling, building on the previously published report comparing the results across the 13 countries. Overall, the Czech respondents has a predominantly negative view of China. A significant portion of the Czech population declared a change of its view on China in the last three years. However, only 11 % changed its view to more positive, while 41% respondents saw their views of China worsened. As such, the Czech Republic is now one the most China-negative countries in Europe.
Tato publikace je výsledkem rozsáhlého online průzkumu veřejného mínění v pevninské Číně, který se uskutečnil mezi 9. a 23. březnem 2022, s výzkumným vzorkem (N=3039) reprezentujícím čínskou populaci s ohledem na pohlaví, věk (18- 65 let) a region země. Čínští respondenti mají velmi pozitivní názory na Rusko a velmi negativní názory na USA. Ve skutečnosti z 25 zemí, na které byli respondenti dotazováni, bylo Rusko nejpozitivněji vnímanou zemí, zatímco USA byly nejvíce negativně vnímáno. Protože náš průzkum byl shromážděn v době vrcholící pozornosti čínské veřejnosti a médií vůči rusko-ukrajinské válce (a před eskalací Covid-...
Not Just Another Cold War considers how the emerging superpower rivalry between the US and China compares to the Cold War, and what that means for the future of global politics. By contrasting the current US-China rivalry with a well-understood conflict, the authors provide insights into the characteristics and trajectory of the twenty-first century's defining conflict. With contributions from some of the world's most influential international relations scholars--Stephen Walt, M. Taylor Fravel, Odd Arne Westad, Robert Ross, and Thomas J. Christensen, among others--the volume examines many of the most important facets of the US-China relationship: the economic and military balance, the impact...
This book examines the politics and international relations of Central Europe (the Visegrád Four) three decades after the fall of communism. Once bound together by a common geopolitical vision of "returning to the West," the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia now find themselves in a more ambiguous position. The 2015 European migration crisis exposed serious normative differences with Western Europe, leading to a collective V4 rebellion against the European Union's migration policies. At the same time, as this book demonstrates—despite this normative rift with Western Europe and despite the democratic backsliding in some of the V4 states—they remain deeply dependent on the West in both symbolic and material terms. Furthermore, ways in which individual Central European states position themselves vis-a-vis the West exhibit notable differences, informed by their specific political and cultural legacies. The author examines these in separate country chapters. This book also contains a chapter that analyzes the effect of the COVID-19 crisis on political discourses in the V4.
Focusing on inward foreign direct investment (FDI) screening, this book provides an in-depth analysis of how European states’ economic interactions with China have become a security issue. Based on 100 interviews with scholars, journalists, policy makers, and politicians from across Europe, the book underscores the importance of the policy making process that led to the adoption of investment screening in European nations. It adopts the theory of securitization to analyse the passage of the status of Chinese FDI from economy to security. In doing so, it shows how the shifting view of Europeans is attributed to changes such as China’s growing economic presence, the persistence of non-market practices, the loss of competitiveness, and the use of economic statecraft.
This book explores the transformation of the American-led alliances, as well as of US allies’ responses to potential American disengagement from regional security amid the rising Russian and Chinese threats. The post-Cold War international order has led to three challenges for the West. The first challenge was the ending of the Cold War, which had served as the fundamental rationale of the US-centred alliance systems in both Europe and Asia. The second challenge was that while the fear of US disengagement in the post-Cold War era was initially about its political willingness, the relative decline of the US has gradually turned the question into that of capability. And the third challenge i...