You may have to Search all our reviewed books and magazines, click the sign up button below to create a free account.
This provocative and groundbreaking book challenges accepted wisdom about the role of elites in both maintaining and undermining democracy in an increasingly authoritarian world. John Higley traces patterns of elite political behavior and the political orientations of non-elite populations throughout modern history to show what is and is not possible in contemporary politics. He situates these patterns and orientations in a range of regimes, showing how they have played out in revolutions, populist nationalism, Arab Spring failures to democratize, the conflation of ultimate and instrumental values in today’s liberal democracies, and American political thinkers’ misguided assumption that ...
This compelling and convincing study, the capstone of decades of research, argues that political regimes are created and sustained by elites. Liberal democracies are no exception; they depend, above all, on the formation and persistence of consensually united elites. John Higley and Michael Burton explore the circumstances and ways in which such elites have formed in the modern world. They identify pressures that may cause a basic change in the structure and functioning of elites in established liberal democracies, and they ask if the elites cluster around George W. Bush are a harbinger of this change. The authors' powerful and important argument reframes our thinking about liberal democracy and questions optimistic assumptions about the prospects for its spread in the twenty-first century.
John Higley (1649-1714) was born at Frimley, Surrey County, England, the son of Jonathan and Katherine Brewster Higley. He was apprenticed at age fifteen; and running away from an abusive master, he immigrated to America. He served for his passage at Windsor, Connecticut. He married Hannah Drake at Windsor in 1671. They had nine children, 1673-ca. 1689. The family moved to Simsbury, Connecticut, in 1684. Hannah died there in 1694. He married 2) Sarah Strong Bissell, a widow, ca. 1696. They had seven children, 1697-1707. Captain John Higley died a Simsbury. Descendants listed lived in Connecticut, Massachusetts, Vermont, Ohio, New York, Wisconsin and elsewhere. Record lists some descendants of daughters, but chiefly follows male lines.
Most political regimes, whether authoritarian or democratic, are born in abrupt, brutal, and momentous crises. In this volume, a group of prominent scholars explores how these seminal events affect elites and shape regimes. Combining theoretical and case study chapters, the authors draw from a wide range of historical and contemporary examples to challenge mainstream developmental explanations of political change, which emphasize incremental changes and evolutions stretching over generations.
This book focuses on threats to the continued viability of Western institutions and practices for which it is not easy to conceive remedies consistent with the Western tradition. Higley argues that structural difficulties in postindustrial societies, particularly the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and elsewhere, threatened troubles that political manipulation by elites might not be sufficient to contain or resolve. Struggling against lethal climate change, politically explosive waves of migrants and refugees, the likelihood of further pandemics, populist nationalism, and destabilizing effects of social media, elites must consider new demographic, economic, social, political, and international policies. Higley offers a powerful and provocative analysis of the elite’s ability to sustain Western societies in their current social and political forms.
First published in 1980, this book presents an important critique of prevailing political doctrine in Western societies at a time of major change in circumstances of Western civilization. G. Lowell Field and John Higley stress the importance of a more realistic appraisal of elite and mass roles in politics, arguing that political stability and any real degree of representative democracy depend fundamentally on the existence of specific kinds of elites.
A distinguished group of scholars examine recent transitions to democracy and the prospects for democratic stability in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Portugal, Spain and Uruguay. They also assess the role of elites in the longer-established democratic regimes in Columbia, Costa Rica, Italy, Mexico and Venezuela. The authors conclude that in independent states with long records of political instability and authoritarian rule, democratic consolidation requires the achievement of elite 'consensual unity' - that is, agreement among all politically important elites on the worth of existing democratic institutions and respect for democratic rules-of-the-game, coupled with increased 'structural integration' among those elites. Two processes by which consensual unity can be established are explored - elite settlement, the negotiating of compromises on basic disagreements, and elite convergence, a more subtle series of tactical decisions by rival elites which have cumulative effect, over perhaps a generation.
here ofexchange, and borrowing in debates between these disciplines, all the more so, as we shall see a little further on, as the analysis of the Central and East European transformations has also contributed to introduce into political science and sociology theoretical systematizations first formulated in economics. In addition to this opening up to the objects and theories of economics, the pseudo-"dilemma" ofsimultaneity produced, by a kind of feedback, another series of effects on transitology and the related research domains. Contrary to most expectations and predictions in the wake ofthe 1989 upheavals - affirmations that the "dilemmas", "problems" or "challenges" of the transitions in...
Beginning in 1924, Proceedings are incorporated into the Apr. number.