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This volume, based on both European and Ottoman sources, investigates the commercial, military and diplomatic relations between the Dutch and the English in the Levant from the early seventeenth to the early nineteenth century. On the one hand there was a more or less constant commercial rivalry and there were moments of outright military hostility between the two powers. On the other a common life in the Near East led to a form of solidarity which transcended the political situation in the home countries. The role of the local population of the Levant, of Ottoman officials, and of the Greeks, Armenians and other eastern Christians who intervened both as merchants and as embassy dragomans or interpreters, was often decisive in influencing the dealings between the Dutch and English residents. The nine papers examine these different aspects of a relationship which has never before been studied in a Levantine context.
Austria 1867-1955 connects the political history of German-speaking provinces of the Habsburg Empire before 1914 (Vienna and the Alpine Lands) with the history of the Austrian Republic that emerged in 1918. John W. Boyer presents the case of modern Austria as a fascinating example of democratic nation-building. The construction of an Austrian political nation began in 1867 under Habsburg Imperial auspices, with the German-speaking bourgeois Liberals defining the concept of a political people (Volk) and giving that Volk a constitution and a liberal legal and parliamentary order to protect their rights against the Crown. The decades that followed saw the administrative and judicial institution...
A great deal has been said and written about Jorg Haider, the charismatic but controversial leader of Austria's Freedom Party. To some he is a neo-Nazi and admirer of fellow Austrian Adolf Hitler's policies. To others he is merely an artful opportunist, a telegenic master of coded sound bites and slogans that means different things to different people. And to that quarter of the country's voters who voted this glamorous rabble-rouser's Freedom Party (FPO) to power in 1999, he represents a fresh alternative to the incestuous two-party oligarchy that had run Austria for a half century. This book goes a long way in explaining how his use of rhetoric and language style reminiscent of Nazi leanin...
Nearly fourteen million people died during the First World War. But why, and for what reason? Already many contemporaries saw the Great War as a "pointless carnage" (Pope Benedict XV, 1917). Was there a point, at least in the eyes of the political and military decision makers? How did they justify the losses, and why did they not try to end the war earlier? In this volume twelve international specialists analyses and compares the hopes and expectations of the political and military leaders of the main belligerent countries and of their respective societies. It shows that the war aims adopted during the First World War were not, for the most part, the cause of the conflict, but a reaction to it, an attempt to give the tragedy a purpose - even if the consequence was to oblige the belligerents to go on fighting until victory. The volume tries to explain why - and for what - the contemporaries thought that they had to fight the Great War.
Glassheim examines the transformation of Bohemian noble identity from the rise of mass politics in the late 19th century to the descent of the Iron Curtain after World War II. He offers valuable insights on the nationalization of a conservative political elite, and on the revolutions that recast Central Europe in the first half of the 20th century.
From the Treaty of Versailles to the 2018 centenary and beyond, the history of the First World War has been continually written and rewritten, studied and contested, producing a rich historiography shaped by the social and cultural circumstances of its creation. Writing the Great War provides a groundbreaking survey of this vast body of work, assembling contributions on a variety of national and regional historiographies from some of the most prominent scholars in the field. By analyzing perceptions of the war in contexts ranging from Nazi Germany to India’s struggle for independence, this is an illuminating collective study of the complex interplay of memory and history.
This book tells the story of how nationalism spread among industrial workers in central Europe in the twentieth century, addressing the far-reaching effects, including the democratization of Austrian politics, the collapse of internationalist socialist solidarity before World War I, and the twentieth-century triumph of Social Democracy in much of Europe.
Combines historical and cultural analysis to explain the path of German liberalism.
Government Poverty and Incentive Pensions in the Nineteenth Century -- The Emergence of the War Welfare Field from Peace to War -- A Social Offensive on the Home Front -- The Last-Ditch Effort to Save the Monarchy -- War Victims, a New Power Factor -- A Republic with "the Correct National and Social Sensibilities" -- "The Public's Interest in Invalids Has Waned."
Particularly in the humanities and social sciences, festschrifts are a popular forum for discussion. The IJBF provides quick and easy general access to these important resources for scholars and students. The festschrifts are located in state and regional libraries and their bibliographic details are recorded. Since 1983, more than 639,000 articles from more than 29,500 festschrifts, published between 1977 and 2010, have been catalogued.