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This text demonstrates that the Biafran War, 1967-1970, was the second phase of the Igbo genocide, following the initial massacre of 100,000 Igbo across the principal towns and cities of northern Nigeria. It shows how the slaughter was sanctioned and organised by the State, with its leading institutions -- the military, police, religious, media and academia -- implicated therein.
"Professor Ekwe-Ekwe approaches this excellent study with his versatile interdisciplinary skill in history, politics, conflict theory and literary criticism which has been the hallmark of his scholarship".-- Back Cover.
Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- 1 The Nigeria-Biafra War: Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide -- SECTION I Genocide and the Biafran Bid for Self-Determination -- 2 Irreconcilable Narratives: Biafra, Nigeria and Arguments About Genocide, 1966-1970 -- 3 Marketing Genocide: Biafran Propaganda Strategies During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 4 The Case Against Victor Banjo: Legal Process and the Governance of Biafra -- 5 The Biafran Secession and the Limits of Self-Determination -- SECTION II A Global Event -- 6 The UK and 'Genocide' in Biafra -- 7 France and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 -- 8 Israel, ...
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Is Ali Mazrui a visonary or a "vacuous" intellectual? Is he recationary, revolutionary or essentially a radical pragmatist? These questions were the focus of a special plenary session of the Conference of the African Assocation of Political Science that took place in Harrare, Zimbabwe, in June 2003. The forum was intended to interrogate Ali Mazrui's contributions in the last forty years or so of his career as an academic. The question themselves capture the magnitude of polarization among different sections of Mazrui's audiences generated by his often provocative propositions amd prescriptions on a wide range of issues---from the role of intellectuals in Africa's transformation to the impera...
In this informative and highly readable book, first published in 1988, Charles Andrain explores the ways in which public policies and socio-political beliefs and structures cause political change in the Third World. The author examines 3 types of political change: (1) transitions in political leaders and their policies, (2) fundamental transformations in political structures, policy priorities, and political strategies for dealing with policy issues; and (3) the impact of economic, education, and health care policies on the society itself (including changes in unemployment, inflation, economic growth, literacy and birth and death rates). In the first part of the book, Professor Andrain prese...
This book is devoted to simple but deep readings of the subtle and not-so-subtle messages in films, and to the interpretation of the silences that are strategically delivered through the mass media. Readers are welcome to agree, disagree, or even offer new readings of other relevant texts for the promotion of mass literacy and mutual understanding. The book will serve to equip the general public with skills for the development of literacy both within the walls of classrooms and beyond their boundaries in the outside world. It is based on a selection of blog posts and journal articles that are updated and brought together in book form for the first time here.
There is a catastrophe waiting to happen; the death or displacement of millions of people when Nigeria (a country of over 200 million people) collapses. Nigeria is ranked 12th in the 2021 Fragile State Index, more fragile than Haiti (13th), and only a few points less fragile than Afghanistan (9th). An estimated seven kidnappings occur in Nigeria every day and the country is home to the most people living in extreme poverty since 2018. The number of Nigerians living in extreme poverty is said to grow by six people every minute. According to Nigeria's National Bureau of Statistics, the unemployment rate for people aged 25 to 34 years in 2020 was 53.4%. The inflation rate in Nigeria as of March...